Cicero hunnicus Miklos Oláh's Eloquent Attila

2006 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 275-301
Author(s):  
Thomas Conley

Abstract The Life of Attila, composed by the Hungarian patriot and churchman Miklos [Nicolaus] Oláh (1493-1568), includes several speeches by Attila. His style, the most striking character of these harangues, cannot be described better than as “elevated Ciceronian” whence the title Cicero hunnicus. This article establishes the manner in which the rhetoric of Attila serves as a strategy of rehabilitation through the use of which Oláh defends the image of his hero (and that of the Hungarian people). In conclusion, there is outlined a sketch of how, in the XVIth century, an attempt was made to establish the Hungarian national identity on rhetorical foundations.

Religions ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 206
Author(s):  
Pål Ketil Botvar

The Norwegian National Day (17 May, also referred to as Constitution Day) stands out as one of the most popular National Day celebrations in Europe. According to surveys, around seven out of every 10 Norwegians take part in a public celebration during this day. This means that the National Day potentially has an impact on the way people reflect upon national identity and its relationship to the Lutheran heritage. In this paper, I will focus on the role religion plays in the Norwegian National Day rituals. Researchers have described these rituals as both containing a significant religious element and being rather secularized. In this article, I discuss the extent to which the theoretical concepts civil religion and religious nationalism can help us understand the role of religion, or the absence of religion, in these rituals. Based on surveys of the general population, I analyze both indicators of civil religion and religious nationalism. The two phenomena are compared by looking at their relation to such items as patriotism, chauvinism, and xenophobia. The results show that civil religion explains participation in the National Day rituals better than religious nationalism.


2021 ◽  
Vol .4 (4) ◽  
pp. 54-61
Author(s):  
Dong-Ching Day

Developmental state used to be and is still regarded as a very practical theory to explain why Four Asian Tigers-Taiwan, South Korea, Hong Kong, and Singapore enjoyed almost averagely double-digit economic growth rate each year from 1970 to 1990 as well as East Asian economic development. However, developmental state theory couldn’t tell why South Korea and Singapore’s economic development had done much better than Taiwan and Hong Kong’s in terms of GDP per capita after 2003 and 2004 respectively. The aim of the study is trying to use national identity perspective to explain why it happens like this, since Four Asian Tigers’ economic development more or less was troubled by national identity issue. The major difference between these two groups is that South Korea and Singapore have done better in dealing with national identity issue than Taiwan and Hong Kong.


2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 122-134
Author(s):  
Muhammad Abdan Shadiqi ◽  
Wildan Rusdaul Ulum ◽  
Mirra Noor Milla ◽  
Hamdi Muluk

Dual identity has an assumption that subordinate group identity (e.g., ethnic and tribe identity) and superordinate group identity (e.g., national identity) can be simultaneously activated. The dual identity concept is important to examine in Indonesia as the country of thousands of tribes. As an initial step, we should adapt and evaluate a dual identity scale so that later it will become a catalyst for future study on the exploration of the association of dual identity and other factors. This study aims to adapt and evaluate the dual identity scale on the Indonesian sample. We tested the measurement through two collecting data, with 775 of total participants (data 1= 338 participants and data 2= 473 participants). The data were analyzed using exploratory factor analysis (EFA) and confirmatory factor analysis (CFA). We found that the dual identity scale had a good fit model and had satisfactory validity and reliability. The validity and reliability of data 2 are better than data 1. In the data 2, each item of items used ‘tribe’ as a form of subordinate identity to replace ‘ethnic’ in the measurement of the data 1. In data 1, this scale had a significant correlation with ethnic and national identity. The result of EFA and CFA proved that the scale is unidimensional (having one factor) and robust to use in the Indonesian sample. The study also found that the use of ‘tribe’ can explain subordinate identity better than "ethnic" on the scale. This study contributes to a practical implication for using the dual identity scale in Indonesia.


2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 23-38
Author(s):  
Gusnarib

This study discusses how to integrate the values ​​of moderate Islamic character in Islamic higher education institutions. Integration of the value of moderate Islamic character values ​​can be implemented through learning in all subjects in Islamic higher education. Integration of Islamic character values ​​can be done on all subjects in Islamic higher education by referring to the concepts, systems and theories of learning. Learning the value of moderate Islamic characters can give students a personality color better than before and can inspire lecturers as learners. in carrying out enlightenment and intelligence in shaping tough, courageous, honest, tolerant, responsible and consistent students, in order to answer the challenges of powerlessness and inability to build national identity, inability to reconstruct the nation's potential responsively and dynamically. The hope of the writer, with the integration of the value of moderate Islamic character in all courses in Islamic higher education, can be the basis for the formation of adherent behavior, and the value of character can be a declarator of glory on the face of the earth


2013 ◽  
Vol 64 ◽  
pp. 19-34 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daiva Siudikienė

Straipsnyje nagrinėjama problematika yra reikšminga tiriamų medijų auditorijos transformacijos procesų dalis, nes medijų prisotinta aplinka generuoja naujus auditorijos dalyvių elgesio modelius. Keliama problema – šiuolaikiniuose kontekstuose mažėjantis nacionalinio identiteto reikšmingumas, kuris tampa lygiai tokiu pačiu ginčytinu simboliniu kapitalu, kaip ir visos kitos socialinio identiteto rūšys. Ieškoma atsakymų, kokie veiksniai formuoja šiuolaikinio medijų naudotojo tapatybę, kokios vertybės jam yra reikšmingos. Šiuolaikinėje visuomenėje identitetas yra suvokiamas kaip atviras savęs formavimo procesas ir simbolinis projektavimas. Globaliųjų socialinių tinklų plėtra ir tapimas reikšminga šiuolaikinių medijų naudotojų kasdienybės dalimi iliustruoja kintančius nacionalinio identiteto naratyvus šiuolaikinėje visuomenėje.Reikšminiai žodžiai: nacionalinis identitetas, globalizacija, medijų naudotojai, socialiniai tinklai.The forms of national identity in social networksDaiva Siudikienė Summury When investigating the culture of virtuality, one of the main problems is the identity of the contempo­rary media users and the factors influencing the for­mation of their identities. In a traditional society, the identity was formatted by the traditional social insti­tutions such as family, church, nation, etc. The nation was defined as a culturally homogenized population living in a defined territory, distinguished by col­lective cultural identity, common values, traditions, worldview, the same language and history. Today, the individuals live in the environment enriched by the media, and their daily routines are closely related with the practices of media usage. Formation of the identity is now a more personal routine, meanwhile the influence of traditional social institutions and in­stitutional values decreases. In the globalised world the identity as a whole is no more an inherited thing; rather, it is based on the creativity of a person and his choices. Traditionally defined as fundamental, na­tional identity becomes a disputable symbolic capital like the other types of social identity. This new emerging reality forms a multitude of issues. Significant problems are related to the relationship between the supra-national and the sub-national spheres. Is the national indentity still important for the young media users in the era of globalisation, mediatization, and individualization? How the young media users define themselves in the globalised media environment? How the young media users cohere the elements of both local and cosmopolitan culture? What new boundaries deve­lop among social, cultural, and ethnic groupings? The aim of this paper is to discuss the emerging new forms of national identity of the Lithuanian youth as a new media generation. Results of the investigation show that the national identity is under deep conside­ration among the young media users. It is clear that the national identity should gain more modern forms and be supported by new values in the contemporary dynamic world where the cosmopolitan values cor­respond to the lifestyles of the young media users much better than do traditional institutional values.


2016 ◽  
Vol 44 (5) ◽  
pp. 772-788 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stevo Đurašković

Most scholarship on post-Communist Croatia claims that the first Croatian president, Franjo Tuđman, intentionally rehabilitated the legacy of the World War II (WWII) Croatian Ustaša and its Nazi-puppet state. The rehabilitation of the Ustaša has been linked to Tuđman's national reconciliation politics that tended toward a particular “forgetting of the past.” The national reconciliation was conceptualized as a joint struggle of both the Croatian anti-fascist Partisan and the Croatian WWII fascist Ustaša successors to achieve Croatian independence. However, the existing scholarship does not offer a comprehensive explanation of the nexus between national reconciliation and the rehabilitation of the Ustaša. Hence, this article will present how “Ustaša-nostalgia” does not stem from Tuđman's intentions, but rather from the morphological gap occurring in Tuđman's nation-building idea. Namely, Tuđman's condemnation of the entire idea of Yugoslavism and Yugoslavia eventually brought about the perception that any historical agent advocating the idea of an independent Croatia is better than any form of Croatian Yugoslavism. Finally, the article will present how contemporary Croatian society is still seeped in “Ustaša-nostalgia” due to the hesitation of the post-Tuđman Croatian politics to come to terms with the legacy of his national reconciliation politics.


2021 ◽  
Vol Volume 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 416-427
Author(s):  
Syed Wasif Azim ◽  
Yaseen Ullah ◽  
Fazal Wahab

Other than an identity in itself, religion plays a central role in other forms of collective identities, like ethnic and national. Moreover, as the constructivist theoretical position argues that identities are fluid and can be impacted by different factors, we propose that conflict and violence have repercussions for religion and the associated identities. Extending the constructivist theoretical position, we contend that conflicts do not ‘soften’ or ‘harden’ identities, rather its impacts are complex, multiple and significant. In the backdrop of recent conflict and violence in Pukhtun region of Swat, Islam is substantial due to its centrality to Pakistani national identity (represented and promoted by the Pakistani state) and Pukhtun ethnic identity (represented by the Pukhtuns in Swat) and militant discourse in the region. This study argues that, amidst the conflict in Swat, three forms and positions of Islam have emerged, including the Islam adopted by Pukhtuns as marker of their identity, Islam used by Pakistan for framing a national identity and the one promoted, rather imposed, by the militants. Pukhtuns in Swat try to detach and distance their ‘form’ of Islam (having both symbolic and practical aspects) from that of the Pakistani state and the militants. Moreover, Pukhtun’s form of Islam is considered closer to that of the state with a sharp distance from that of the militants. Pakistani state, religious clergy and militants are blamed and criticized for using Islam for their interests. Militant’s Islam is termed ‘violent’ and only based on their form of justice and is thus rejected. Pakistani state’s Islam is considered least practiced and more symbolic and thus disowned. Islam adopted and practiced by Pukhtuns, majority, in Swat is considered as peaceful and in practice and thus assumed to be better than the other contesting forms of Islam. Thus, the conflict in Swat, involving militants and Pakistani state, has complicated the divisive role of Islam in relation to its unifying role as a component and marker of Pakistani national identity. This has repercussions for Pakistani national identity. The study is based on 45 open-ended in-depth interviews and five focus group discussions in diverse parts of Swat, coupled with ethnographic observation.


2020 ◽  
Vol 37 (3) ◽  
pp. 254-263
Author(s):  
Michael B. Devlin ◽  
Kenon A. Brown ◽  
Natalie Brown-Devlin ◽  
Andrew C. Billings

Nationalistic notions are embedded within every part of the Olympic Games, inculcating feelings pertaining to one’s nation. Previous research examined the degree to which one is affected by portrayals of nationalism during international sporting events, finding that media consumption and results increase nationalistic feelings. However, such analyses rarely infused overarching fandom into the equation and failed to make global comparisons. This study surveyed 2,245 people from three continents in six different nations (Canada, China, Germany, Japan, Sweden, and the United States) to examine nationalistic attitudes during the 2018 Winter Olympics and subsequent effects. Significant differences between nationalized qualities manifested between each continent, as did their paths to becoming a fan and consuming content.


2019 ◽  
pp. 118-136
Author(s):  
Enze Han

Chapter 7 analyzes how the different nationalist ideologies in these three countries have affected the politics of national identity among various ethnic minority groups living along the borders. It examines nation-building ideologies and policies in China, Myanmar, and Thailand, then examines how close ethnic linkages between the Shan and Thai manifest in Thailand’s interest in supporting Shan nationalist movements as part of its pan-Tai sentiment. The chapter then compares the implications of different nationalist ideologies and practices on common cross-border ethnic minorities between China and Myanmar. For many ethnic minority groups across the border, China is often perceived as a place where ethnic minorities are treated better than in Myanmar. Relative depravation in Myanmar explains this perception very well.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document