Parliamentary Threshold and Political Rights Limitation

Parliamentary threshold or political party threshold to occupy the people's representatives in parliament is a provision that has been regulated in the law. Article 414 paragraph (1) of Law Number 7 of 2017 concerning General Elections regulates the existence of a parliamentary threshold. This means that the parliamentary threshold is legal. Especially based on legal considerations of the Constitutional Court in the Constitutional Court Decision Number 3 / PUU-VII / 2009 and Constitutional Court Decision Number 20/PUU-XVI/2018, the parliamentary threshold is an open legal policy so that it can be said to be constitutional. But in reality the application of the parliamentary threshold limits political rights. The limitation of political rights occurs to participants and voters in the General Election.

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AKIBAT HUKUM REGULASI TENTANG THRESHOLD DALAM PEMILIHAN UMUM LEGISLATIF DAN PEMILIHAN PRESIDEN

Jurnal Yudisial ◽

10.29123/jy.v12i1.258 ◽

2019 ◽

Vol 12 (1) ◽

pp. 17

Author(s):

Sholahuddin Al-Fatih

Keyword(s):

Presidential Elections ◽

Court Decision ◽

Constitutional Court ◽

National Scale ◽

Legal Policy ◽

Presidential Candidates ◽

General Elections ◽

Electoral Law ◽

Democratic Country ◽

Legislative Election

ABSTRAKIndonesia telah menyelenggarakan 11 kali pemilihan umum (pemilu) sejak tahun 1955. Hingga saat ini, rezim hukum pemilu telah melahirkan banyak regulasi dan ketentuan baru, seperti aturan tentang threshold atau ambang batas. Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi Nomor 52/PUU-X/2012 menyatakan bahwa Pasal 208 Undang-Undang Nomor 8 Tahun 2012 tentang Pemilu Legislatif terkait dengan ambang batas parlemen (parliamentary threshold) sebesar 3,5% tidak berlaku secara nasional. Melengkapi putusan tersebut, Mahkamah Konstitusi melalui Putusan Nomor 14/PUU-XI/2013 menyebutkan bahwa pemilu tahun 2019 berlaku secara serentak, yang secara yuridis berdampak pada pola penerapan threshold. Rumusan masalah yang akan diurai dalam penelitian ini adalah bagaimana akibat hukum regulasi tentang threshold dalam pemilihan umum legislatif dan pemilihan presiden pasca Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi Nomor 52/PUU-X/2012 dan Nomor 14/PUU-XI/2013. Metode yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah metode penelitian yuridis normatif. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa dalam konteks negara demokrasi, ambang batas atau threshold diterapkan sebagai batas untuk menyaring kandidat anggota legislatif ataupun presiden yang bersifat open legal policy dan diserahkan kepada pembuat undang-undang.Kata kunci: pemilihan umum legislatif, pemilihan presiden, ambang batas. ABSTRACTIndonesia has held 11 general elections since 1955. Up to now, the regime of general electoral law has given birth to many new regulations and provisions, such as regulations on threshold. The Constitutional Court Decision Number 52/PUU-X/2012 states that Article 208 of Law Number 8 of 2012 concerning the Legislative Election with a parliamentary threshold of 3.5% does not apply on a national scale. Complementing the ruling, the Constitutional Court through Decision Number 14/PUU-XI/2013 states the 2019 general election applies simultaneously that it may bring juridical effect on the pattern of threshold application. The formulation of the problem to be explained in this analysis is how the legal impact of the regulation on threshold in legislative and presidential elections after the issuance of Constitutional Court Decision Number 52/PUU-X/2012 and Number 14/PUU-XI/2013. This analysis uses a normative juridical research method. The results of the study show that in the context of a democratic country, the threshold is applied as a limit to filter out presidential candidates or legislative members, which is open legal policy and submitted to lawmakers. Keywords: legislative election, presidential election, threshold.

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PERBEDAAN TAFSIR MAHKAMAH KONSTITUSI DALAM MEMUTUS PERKARA PEMILIHAN UMUM SERENTAK

Jurnal Yudisial ◽

10.29123/jy.v10i1.39 ◽

2017 ◽

Vol 10 (1) ◽

pp. 1 ◽

Cited By ~ 1

Author(s):

Suparto Suparto

Keyword(s):

Judicial Review ◽

House Of Representatives ◽

Descriptive Analysis ◽

Vice President ◽

General Election ◽

Court Decision ◽

Constitutional Court ◽

Legislative Elections ◽

General Elections ◽

Legislative Election

ABSTRAKSelama ini pemilu presiden dan pemilu legislatif dilakukan secara terpisah atau tidak serentak. Pemilu legislatif selalu dilakukan sebelum pemilu presiden dan wakil presiden. Pemilihan umum yang dilakukan secara terpisah dianggap lebih banyak dampak negatifnya serta tidak sesuai dengan UUD NRI 1945. Metode yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah deskriptif analitis dengan pendekatan peraturan perundangundangan. Rumusan masalahnya adalah bagaimanakah pertimbangan hakim konstitusi dalam memutus Putusan Nomor 14/PUU-XI/2013 sehingga terjadi perbedaan dengan putusan sebelumnya Nomor 51-52-59/PUUVI/ 2008 terkait dengan pelaksanaan pemilu serentak. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan pertimbangan hakim konstitusi dalam memutus Putusan Nomor 14/PUUXI/ 2013 tentang pengujian Undang-Undang Nomor 42 Tahun 2008 tentang Pemilihan Umum Presiden dan Wakil Presiden terjadi inkonsistensi. Putusan Nomor 14/ PUU-XI/2013 memutuskan bahwa pemilu presiden dan wakil presiden harus dilaksanakan secara bersamaan dengan pemilu anggota DPR, DPR, dan DPRD. Sedangkan dalam putusan sebelumnya yaitu Putusan Nomor 51-52-59/PUU-VI/2008 pada pengujian pasal dan undang-undang yang sama (Pasal 3 ayat (5) Undang- Undang Nomor 42 Tahun 2008), Mahkamah Konstitusi memutuskan bahwa pemilu presiden dan wakil presiden yang dilaksanakan setelah pemilu anggota DPR, DPD, dan DPRD (tidak serentak) adalah tidak bertentangan dengan UUD NRI 1945 (konstitusional). Terjadinya pertentangan putusan ini antara lain disebabkan oleh perbedaan pilihan penafsiran konstitusi.Kata kunci: inkonsistensi, mahkamah konstitusi, pemilu serentak. ABSTRACTDuring this time, the presidential and legislative elections are conducted separately or not simultaneously. The Legislative Elections are always carried out prior to the General Elections of the President and Vice President. The general election is conducted separately as considerably having more negative impacts and inconsistency with the 1945 Constitution. This analysis uses descriptive analysis method with the pertinent laws and regulations approach. The formulation of the issue is what the Constitutional Court Justices took into consideration in its Decision Number 14/PUU-XI/2013 leading to differences to that of its previous Decision Number 51- 52-59/PUU-VI/2008 concerning the implementation of simultaneous elections. The analysis results show inconsistencies in the consideration of the Constitutional Court Justices in ruling the case through the Decision Number 14/PUU-X/2013 on the judicial review of Law Number 42 of 2008 concerning the General Elections of the President and Vice President. The Constitutional Court Decision Number 14/PUU-X/2013 decided that the General Election of the President and Vice President should be implemented simultaneously with the Legislative Election for the Member of the House of Representatives, the Regional Representatives Council, and the Regional House of Representatives. As for the previous decision, the Constitutional Court Decision Number 51-52-59/PUU-VI/2008 on the judicial review of the same article and law (Article 3 (5) of Law Number 42 of 2008), the Constitutional Court decided that the elections of the President and Vice President conducted after the Legislative Election for the Member of the House of Representatives, the Regional Representatives Council, and the Regional House of Representatives (not simultaneously) is not contradictory to the 1945 Constitution. The contradiction of these decisions is partly due to the variety of interpretation on the constitution.Keywords: inconsistency, the constitutional court, simultaneous elections.

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Analysis of Reduction of Authority of The Constitutional Court Through The Law on General Election

SHS Web of Conferences ◽

10.1051/shsconf/20185401001 ◽

2018 ◽

Vol 54 ◽

pp. 01001

Author(s):

Budiman N.P.D Sinaga ◽

Sahat H.M.T Sinaga

Keyword(s):

House Of Representatives ◽

Vice President ◽

General Election ◽

Constitutional Court ◽

State Institutions ◽

General Elections ◽

The Law ◽

Election Results ◽

The Republic

In the 1945 Constitution of the Republic Indonesia, there is an order to further regulate in the Law such as the general election that has been enacted Law No. 7/ 2017 on General Election. In its Law, the results of the general election is merely a dispute over the result of the general election regarding the determination of the vote which may affect the election participants’ seats and the President and Vice President election results. The objective of this paper is to find out the legal consequences of the provisions of the law which reduce the authority of state institutions that have been regulated in the 1945 Constitution. The approach of this research is status approach that will be used by examining the laws and regulations relating to the problem. The provisions of the Law on General Elections can be said to have reduced the authority of the Constitutional Court granted the Constitution. There should be strong grounds for an amendment to this provision it can be done immediately by the House of Representatives and the President. Testing by the Constitutional Court may be done but it is better through changes by the House of Representatives and the President.

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TELAAH TERHADAP PRESIDENTIAL THRESHOLD DALAM PEMILU SERENTAK 2019

Jurnal Yuridis ◽

10.35586/.v4i1.124 ◽

2017 ◽

Vol 4 (1) ◽

pp. 15

Author(s):

Lutfil Ansori

Keyword(s):

Vice President ◽

General Election ◽

Constitutional Court ◽

Legal Policy ◽

Advantages And Disadvantages ◽

Presidential System ◽

General Elections ◽

Pros And Cons ◽

Legislative Election

This paper aims to examine the presidential threshold in relation to the simultaneous general elections 2019. After the decision of the Constitutional Court Number 14/PUU-XI/ 2013 which mandates the general election simultaneously raises the pros and cons of setting the presidential threshold. In the constitutional perspective, using or not using the presidential threshold is not contrary to the constitution, because the presidential threshold is an open legal policy of the legislator. The legislators need to rethink the provisions of the presidential threshold especially in relation to the simultaneous elections, taking into account the advantages and disadvantages of applying or abolishing the presidential threshold, in order for the purpose of strengthening the presidential system to be achieved. The existence of simultaneous general elections has substantially eliminated the provisions of the presidential threshold, so the threshold requirement to nominate the President and Vice President becomes irrelevant. However, if the legislators demand presidential threshold, the middle path that can be selected is to apply the presidential threshold by using the legislative election 2014 with a record of institutionalizing the coalition.

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Election Design Following Constitutional Court Decision Number 14/PUU-XI/2013

Constitutional Review ◽

10.31078/consrev223 ◽

2017 ◽

Vol 2 (2) ◽

pp. 216 ◽

Cited By ~ 1

Author(s):

Fajar Laksono ◽

Oly Viana Agustine

Keyword(s):

Presidential Elections ◽

Vice President ◽

General Election ◽

Court Decision ◽

Constitutional Court ◽

Original Intent ◽

Major Implication ◽

General Elections ◽

The Will ◽

Legal Condition

The major implication from Constitutional Court Decision No. 14/PUU-XI/2013 is that the Constitution promotes fundamental changes to the design of the general election regarding both process and substance. Therefore, in order to uphold the Constitution, efforts are required to reconstruct the design of the general election, particularly so that elections are conducted in accordance with Decision No. 14/PUU-XI/2013 as a representation of the spirit and the will of the 1945 Constitution. Essentially, the current norm regarding the implementation of general elections following the election of members of the representative institution is not consistent with the stipulations in Article 22E Paragraph (1) and Paragraph (2) and Article 1 Paragraph (2) of the 1945 Constitution. Constitutional Court Decision No. 14/PUU-XI/2013 aims to realign the implementation of the elections with the intentions of the 1945 Constitution. Through implementation of the original intent method and systematic interpretation, the Constitutional Court offered its interpretation that the framers of the amended Constitution intended that general elections have five ballot boxes, with the first for the People’s Representative Council (Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat, DPR), the second for the Regional Representative Council (Dewan Perwakilan Daerah, DPD), the third for the president and vice president, the fourth for the Regional People’s Representative Council (Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Daerah, DPRD) at the provincial level and the fifth for the DPRD at the regency level. Thus, it can be concluded that the presidential elections should be conducted simultaneously with elections of members of the representative bodies. Through this decision, the Constitutional Court revoked the prevailing norm, such that Presidential Elections and Elections of members of representative bodies were no longer valid because they violated the 1945 Constitution. The Constitutional Court introduced a new legal condition that obligated General Elections to be held simultaneously.

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IMPLEMENTASI PRINSIP DEMOKRASI DAN NOMOKRASI DALAM STRUKTUR KETATANEGARAAN RI PASCA AMANDEMEN UUD 1945

Jurnal Dinamika Hukum ◽

10.20884/1.jdh.2011.11.2.191 ◽

2011 ◽

Vol 11 (2) ◽

Cited By ~ 1

Author(s):

Martha Pigome

Keyword(s):

Rule Of Law ◽

Judicial Review ◽

The State ◽

General Election ◽

Constitutional Court ◽

Legal Policy ◽

State Constitution ◽

The Law ◽

The Guardian

The principle of democracy and nomocracy as state in the Constitution 1945 is the embodiment of the state that based on civil sovereignty and state characteristics that uphold the law. Implemention of those two principles changes the structure of the state that established the Constitutional Court. This institution known as the guardian of democracy of any process of political democatization and legal policy. The consitutional Court plays an important role in maintaining the state constitution (Constitution 1945). Constitutional Court have an authority to solve dispute elections and general election. This institution also have a role to judicial review of any statute that not synchronize with the Constitution 1945. Keywords : Demoratization, Rule of Law, Constitution and Legal Policy

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IMPLIKASI PUTUSAN MAHKAMAH KONSTITUSI TERKAIT PENGGUNAAN KTP DAN PASPOR DALAM PEMILIHAN PRESIDEN DAN WAKIL PRESIDEN DALAM KERANGKA MENJAMIN HAK MEMILIH DALAM PEMILU

Justisi Jurnal Ilmu Hukum ◽

10.36805/jjih.v3i1.505 ◽

2019 ◽

Vol 3 (1) ◽

Author(s):

Bagus Anwar Hidayatulloh

Keyword(s):

Vice President ◽

General Election ◽

Constitutional Court ◽

General Elections ◽

Right To Vote ◽

The Law ◽

The Republic ◽

Identity Cards ◽

The Right ◽

Election Commission

Abstrak Implikasi putusan mahkamah konstitusi terkait penggunaan KTP dan paspor dalam pemilihan presiden dan wakil presiden dalam kerangka menjamin hak memilih dalam pemilihan umum. Terkait dengan ini maka memunculkan permasalahan terkait implikasinya. Bagaimana implikasi baik secara langsung maupun tidak langsung putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi terkait penggunaan KTP dan Paspor dalam pemilihan umum. Mahkamah Konstitusi sebagai lembaga pelaksana kekuasaan kehakiman yang salah satu kewenangannya adalah menguji Undang-Undang terhadap UUD Negara Republik Indonesia Tahun 1945 dalam rangka mewujudkan negara demokrasi yang berdasarkan hukum sebagaimana termaktub dalam Pasal 1 UUD Negara Republik Indonesia Tahun 1945. Hasilnya adalah implikasi langsung yang terdiri dari penerapan KTP dan Paspor sebagai ganti DPT, Memunculkan putusan yang bersifat self executing, mengesampingkan Peraturan Pemerintah Pengganti Undang-undang, mengesampingkan keputusan dan peraturan KPU terkait aturan baru akibat putusan MK dan Implikasi tidak langsung yang terdiri dari Mengurangi terjadinya perselisihan hasil Pemilihan Umum Presiden, KPU bekerja ekstra. Tujuan ke depan penelitian ini adalah untuk mengetahui dan memberikan sumbangsih dalam dunia akademik terutama terkait tentang penjaminan hak asasi manusia terutama hak memilih dalam pemilihan presiden dan wakil presiden. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kajian peraturan perundang-undangan yang sesuai dengan metode ilmu hukum. Kata Kunci: Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi, Pemilu, Kartu Tanda Penduduk Abstract The implications of the constitutional court's decision regarding the use of resident identity cards and passports in the election of president and vice president in the framework of guaranteeing the right to vote in general elections. Related to this, problems arise regarding their implications. What are the implications of either directly or indirectly the decision of the Constitutional Court regarding the use of Identity Cards and Passports in general elections. The Constitutional Court as the executing agency of judicial power whose authority is to examine the Law against the State Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia of 1945 in order to realize a democratic state based on law as stipulated in Article 1 of the Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia of 1945. The result is implications directly consisting of the application of Identity Cards and Passports in lieu of the Permanent Voters List, Raising decisions that are self-executing, overriding Government Regulations Substituting the Law, overriding the decisions and regulations of the General Election Commission regarding new rules due to the Constitutional Court ruling and indirect implications consisting of Reducing the disputes over the results of the Presidential General Election, the Election Commission works extra. The future goal of this research is to know and contribute in the academic world, especially related to guaranteeing human rights, especially the right to vote in the presidential and vice presidential elections. This study uses the method of reviewing legislation in accordance with the method of law. Keywords: Decision of the Constitutional Court, Election, Identity Card

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Keserentakan Pemilu 2024 yang Paling Ideal Berdasarkan Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi Republik Indonesia

Al-Ishlah : Jurnal Ilmiah Hukum ◽

10.33096/aijih.v23i2.41 ◽

2020 ◽

Vol 23 (2) ◽

pp. 115-131

Author(s):

Mushaddiq Amir

Keyword(s):

Vice President ◽

General Election ◽

Court Decision ◽

Constitutional Court ◽

Technical Problems ◽

Election Process ◽

The Law ◽

The Impact ◽

Better Than ◽

Concurrent Elections

The holding of concurrent elections on April 17 2019 is a new history in the general election process in Indonesia. This is the implication of the Constitutional Court Decision Number 14 /PUU/2013 on the review of Law Number 42 of 2008 concerning the Election of President and Vice President. Although simultaneous elections have been considered better than previous elections, it does not mean that there are no shortcomings in the implementation. The most appalling problem is the large number of fatalities by the election organizers who are seen as the impact of the 2019 concurrent elections as well as other technical problems. Looking at various aspects raised from the 2019 elections, the Association for Elections and Democracy (Perludem) conducted a review of the material of the Law on the 1945 Constitution to the Constitutional Court as outlined in the Constitutional Court Decision Number 55/PUU-XVII/2019. In their argument, the petitioner conveys a number of things related to the analysis that has been carried out in the holding of simultaneous elections held in 2019 yesterday. In the results of the decision, the Constitutional Court rejected the petition of the petitioner in its entirety because it was considered to be groundless. However, the Constitutional Court provides choices regarding election models that can be chosen and considered constitutional based on the 1945 Constitution. Abstrak:Terselenggaranya pemilu serentak pada tanggal 17 April 2019 merupakan sejarah baru dalam proses pemilihan umum yang ada di Indonesia. Hal ini merupakan implikasi dari Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi Nomor 14/PUU/2013 perkara pengujian Undang-Undang Nomor 42 Tahun 2008 Tentang Pemilihan Umum Presiden dan Wakil Presiden. Meskipun pemilu serentak sudah dinilai lebih baik dari pemilu-pemilu sebelummnya bukan berarti dalam pelaksaanannya tidak memiliki kekurangan. Masalah yang paling menggemparkan adalah banyaknya korban jiwa oleh penyelenggara pemilu yang dinilai sebagai dampak pelaksanaan pemilu serentak 2019 serta masalh masalah teknis lainnya. Melihat dari berbagai sisi yang ditumbulkan dari pemilu 2019, maka Perkumpulan Untuk Pemilu dan Demokrasi (Perludem) melakukan uji materiil Undang-undang terhadap Undang-Undang Dasar 1945 ke Mahkamah Konstitusi yang dituangkan kedalam Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi Nomor 55/PUU-XVII/2019. Didalam argumentasinya, pemohon menyampaikan beberapa hal terkait dengan analisa yang telah dilakukan dalam penyelenggaraan pemilu serentak yang dilaksanakan pada tahun 2019 kemarin. Dalam hasil keputusan tersebut, Mahkamah Konstitusi menolak permohonan pemohon untuk seluruhnya karena dianggap permohonan tersebut tidak beralasan hukum. Akan tetapi Mahkamah Konstitusi memberikan pilihan terkait model-model keserentakan pemilu yang dapat dipilih dan dinilai konstitusional berdasarkan UUD 1945.

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Position of Nepali Congress in the Electoral Politics of Nepal

Researcher A Research Journal of Culture and Society ◽

10.3126/researcher.v4i2.34623 ◽

2020 ◽

Vol 4 (2) ◽

pp. 32-42

Author(s):

Amrit Kumar Shrestha

Keyword(s):

Political Party ◽

Electoral Politics ◽

Vital Role ◽

Representative Democracy ◽

General Election ◽

The Status ◽

General Elections ◽

Election Commission

Nepali Congress (NC) is one of the oldest political party of Nepal. It played a vital role to abolish the century long autocratic Rana rule in 1951. It fought against the party-less Panchayat system and the regressive step of the king. It opposes active kingship and communism. It believes in a representative democracy. It has participated in every election of Nepal that was conducted democratically. It won more than two-thirds majority seats in the first general election held in 1959. In every election, it stayed in the first or second position. This article tries to analyze the status of NC in the elections of Nepal. Data of seven general elections were examined in this article. Data were extracted basically from the reports of the Election Commission.

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