scholarly journals Žiniasklaida užsienio kalbomis Lietuvoje: ką renkasi vartotojai

2009 ◽  
Vol 51 ◽  
pp. 144-159
Author(s):  
Laima Nevinskaitė
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Former Soviet Union ◽  
Age Groups ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
Foreign Languages ◽  
Printed Media ◽  
The Media ◽  
Foreign Media ◽  
Watching Tv ◽  
Media Choices

Straipsnyje pateikiama žiniasklaidos užsienio kalbomis pasirinkimo tarp Lietuvos didmiesčių gyventojų lietuvių analizė, atlikta remiantis reprezentatyvios šių miestų gyventojų apklausos duomenimis. Daugiausiai dėmesio skiriama žiniasklaidos rusų ir anglų kalbomis pasirinkimo analizei: kaip dažnai mokantys rusų ir (ar) anglų kalbas renkasi žiniasklaidą šiomis kalbomis, kaip šie pasirinkimai yra pasiskirstę tarp amžiaus grupių, koks žiniasklaidos užsienio kalbomis vartojimo dažnumas, palyginti su kitomis kalbų vartojimo sritimis. Remiantis skirtingais teoriniais požiūriais į kalbos ir tapatybės santykį, žiniasklaidos užsienio kalbomis vartojimą galima vertinti dvejopai: kaip kultūrinės, lingvistinės ir politinės įtakos šaltinį arba tiesiog vartotojo galimybių rinktis jo poreikius tenkinantį žiniasklaidos turinį išplėtimą.Pagrindiniai žodžiai: žiniasklaidos vartojimas, žiniasklaida užsienio kalbomis, globalizacija.Media in Foreign Languages in Lithuania: Consumer ChoicesLaima Nevinskaitė SummaryThe author analyses the use of media in foreign languages, mostly Russian and English, among Lithuanians living in the main cities of Lithuania (Vilnius, Kaunas and Klaipeda). The analysis is based on data of a representative survey on the knowledge of languages and their use in these cities, performed within the research project “Cities and Languages” by Vilnius Universit).The use of media in foreign languages is important in several respects, which are discussed in the article. First, it can be regarded as a source of cultural and linguistic influence within the context of cultural and linguistic globalisation. In Lithuania and in other former Soviet Union states, media in Russian are also treated as a potential source of political influence. Second, it is important in respect of media market, since foreign media can be regarded as a source of a wider content choice for media consumer.Results of the analysis have shown that a significant part of Lithuanians (up to 40 per cent) frequently use media in foreign languages, although the number of frequent users still lags behind the amount of those who use the media in Lithuanian. The data show a wider knowledge of Russian and generally a wider use of mass media in Russian. Russian is used more often than English as a language for listening radio and watching TV; the use of printed media (books and periodicals) in Russian is higher, but close to that in English; English is much wider used as a language of the internet use. The trends are clearly more positive for English, since it is more popular among young people, even among those who know Russian as well. The article includes a further analysis of media choices among those who know the languages in question, these choices among the age groups, and the frequency of media use in foreign languages in comparison to the use of those languages in other domains.

Writing the Intifada Collective Action in the Occupied Territories

1993 ◽  
Vol 45 (4) ◽  
pp. 560-594 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ian S. Lustick
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Collective Action ◽  
Former Soviet Union ◽  
Gaza Strip ◽  
Social Scientists ◽  
Occupied Territories ◽  
West Bank And Gaza ◽  
The Media ◽  
The One ◽  
The Individual

The five-year-old Palestinian uprising, the intifada, was the first of many mass mobilizations against nondemocratic rule to appear in the Middle East, Eastern Europe, East Asia, and the former Soviet Union between 1987 and 1991. Although the Palestinian struggle against Israeli occupation of the West Bank and Gaza Strip is seldom included by the media or by social scientists in their treatments of this putative wave of “democratization,” many studies of the uprising are available. Although largely atheoretic in their construction of the intifada and in their explanations for it, the two general questions posed by most of these authors are familiar to students of collective action and revolution. On the one hand, why did it take twenty years for the Palestinians to launch the uprising? On the other hand, how, in light of the individual costs of participation and the negligible impact of any one person's decision to participate, could it have occurred at all? The work under review provides broad support for recent trends in the analysis of revolution and collection action, while illustrating both the opportunities and the constraints associated with using monographic literature as a data base.

Pulling up the Drawbridge

2020 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. 109-136
Author(s):  
Michael A. Hansen ◽  
Jonathan Olsen
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Political Ideology ◽  
Former Soviet Union ◽  
Vote Choice ◽  
Recent Scholarship ◽  
Political Refugees ◽  
Large Numbers ◽  
The Media ◽  
Russian Germans ◽  
Alternative For Germany

The most recent scholarship on the Alternative for Germany (AfD) indicates that citizens primarily cast a vote for the party based on anti-immigrant or xenophobic attitudes. Nevertheless, prominent figures from the AfD suggest that many Germany citizens with immigrant backgrounds vote for it—an argument that has been picked up by the media. In this article, we investigate the most likely potential constituency of immigrants that might support the AfD: ethnic German migrants from the former Soviet Union, so-called Russian-Germans. Using the 2017 Immigrant German Election Study (imges), we find that these ethnic German migrants from the former Soviet Union indeed voted for the AfD in relatively large numbers when compared to the overall population. Furthermore, when predicting vote choice, we find that the main predictor of voting for the AfD among Russian-Germans is not political ideology but rather a simple hostility towards new refugees. Crucially, migrants with a Soviet background are more likely to vote for the AfD if they hold the position that there should be no economic or political refugees allowed into the country.

Fukushima Fixation – The Media Focus on Radiation Risk in Tsunami-Stricken Japan

2011 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 209-212
Author(s):  
Adam Burgess
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Former Soviet Union ◽  
Radiation Risk ◽  
Nuclear Accident ◽  
Risk Society ◽  
Nuclear Threat ◽  
New Era ◽  
The Media ◽  
German Sociologist ◽  
Society Perspective

Twenty five years on from Chernobyl, the tragic events in Japan of March 2011 seem to reaffirm the ‘risk society’ perspective which the 1986 nuclear accident in the former Soviet Union did so much to popularise. It was amidst widespread predictions of mass harm – projected both across Europe and into the future – that German sociologist Ulrich Beck’s book of the same name found such a receptive audience. Beck wrote of a new era defined by the greater risk posed by ‘manufactured’, technological risk than natural, ‘external’ ones. The way in which the possible, nuclear threat from the damaged Fukushima nuclear plant looms larger than the devastation and the thousands actually killed by the ‘natural’ earthquake and tsunami reminds us of Beck's distinction.

scholarly journals The Problem of the Precession of the Simulacrums and the Medium in Shaping the Appraisal Reactions Towards the Moscow Show Trials (1936-1938) in the Western Media

2018 ◽  
pp. 201-216
Author(s):  
Ihor Rymar
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Integrated Approach ◽  
Information Space ◽  
The West ◽  
Decisive Influence ◽  
The Media ◽  
Foreign Media ◽  
West European ◽  
Western Media

The article is based on the analysis of documentary and monographic literature that characterizes a period of the show trials and the Great Terror of 1936-1938 in Soviet Union. The concept of the French postmodernist, philosopher J. Baudrillard about the precession of the simulacrums and the idea of the medium has been used as a basis of the investigation. Using an integrated approach to the problem, the article reveals the decisive influence of J. Stalin and his clique on the nature of the coverage of the Moscow show trials of 1936-1938 by Soviet and foreign media. The significance of the First Moscow show trials in the matter of the further fabricating cases against the “old Bolsheviks” who stood in the opposition to J. Stalin has been disclosed. The role and place of the Soviet and Western media in the process of relaying to the West European information space the Stalin version of the show trials has been determined. Thus, it is revealed that the media has been directly influencing upon the perception of the trials and formation of appraisal reactions to these events by the West European socium.

scholarly journals THE ROLE OF NON-GOVERNMENTAL ORGANIZATIONS IN “COLORFUL REVOLUTIONS

2020 ◽  
Vol 64 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
B. A. Eserkepova ◽  
◽  
U. K. Organova ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Former Soviet Union ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Governmental Organizations ◽  
Non Governmental Organizations ◽  
Color Revolutions ◽  
The Media ◽  
Global Influence

This article discusses the emergence of new challenges and threats associated with the forcible transformation of political systems as a result of the use of the technology of “color revolutions”. In the current conditions, competition for resources, territories, and global influence has sharply intensified. The beginning of the XXI century demonstrated the appearance of the phenomenon of “color revolutions” in political practice which led to a change in the political elite in a number of post-Soviet countries. Colorful revolutions were communicative in nature, many events took place in the information space, and then in reality, so the main means of counteraction were the media. Many non-governmental organizations in the former Soviet Union received informational support from their own print or electronic media, as well as from periodicals owned or controlled by some representatives of the oligarchic capital.

Subversive identity and cultural production by the Russian-Israeli Generation 1.5

2018 ◽  
Vol 22 (5-6) ◽  
pp. 925-941 ◽  
Author(s):  
Larissa Remennick ◽  
Anna Prashizky
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Cultural Production ◽  
Former Soviet Union ◽  
Female Leadership ◽  
Generation 1.5 ◽  
Older Children ◽  
Hebrew Poetry ◽  
Avant Garde ◽  
Cultural Public Sphere ◽  
The Media

This article belongs to the series presenting our ongoing ethnographic project on the Russian-Israeli Generation 1.5. It discusses the nexus between immigrant identity, civic activism and cultural production among young adults born in the (former) Soviet Union, who migrated to Israel as older children or adolescents. We examine the new, protest-driven activism among young Russian Israelis while drawing on the concepts of reactive ethnicity and cultural public sphere. This identity quest occurs at the intersection of their Russian, Jewish and Israeli identities that often clash with each other. Moreover, the ethnic awakening among these young immigrant adults has been clearly gendered, with mostly female leadership emerging out of its cultural avant-garde. We present and discuss examples of the media discourse, artistic and creative events organized by Generation 1.5 leaders, focusing on the recent Russian–Hebrew poetry festival in Jerusalem.

scholarly journals Ethnic remigration from the former Soviet Union to Finland - patterns of ethic identity and acculturation among the Ingrian Finns

1997 ◽  
pp. 102-113
Author(s):  
Eve Kyntäjä
Keyword(s):  
Ethnic Identity ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
Former Soviet Union ◽  
Participant Observation ◽  
Age Groups ◽  
Well Being ◽  
Identity Conflict ◽  
Acculturation Attitudes ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Ethic Identity

The aim of this paper is to examine the patterns of psychological acculturation and ethnic identity of Ingrian Finns - the remigrants from the former Soviet Union - in Finland. The article is based on a study that focused on finding out the relationship between objective criteria of ethnic identity (language, nationality, citizenship, religion) and subjective ethnic identity (self-identification, commitment) in a certain social context. The relationship between acculturation attitudes and psychological well-being was also studied. The approach of the study was qualitative, the methods used were in-depth interviews, and participant observation. The sample consisted of 40 adult Ingrian Finns living in Finland and 10 leaders of the Ingrian Association in St. Petersburg and the Ingrian Church. The results suggest that different age groups have different ethnic self-perceptions. Younger remigrants identify themselves mostly as Russians or Estonians depending on which linguistic and social environment they have lived in. Middle-aged Ingrian Finns are dealing with identity conflict: they have problems in identifying themselves ethnically and also difficulties in integrating into the Finnish society.

(Re)constructing Community in Berlin: Turks, Jews, and German Responsibility

2001 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 22-61 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan Laurence
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Former Soviet Union ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
Immigrant Integration ◽  
Labor Migrants ◽  
Quarter Century ◽  
State Recognition ◽  
Muslim Countries ◽  
The Right

An immigration dilemma has confronted the Federal Republic ofGermany since the early 1970s. Postwar labor migrants from predominantlyMuslim countries in the Mediterranean basin were notofficially encouraged to settle long-term, yet many stayed onceimmigration was halted in 1973. Though these migrants and theirchildren have enjoyed most social state benefits and the right to familyreunification, their political influence has remained limited forthe last quarter-century. Foreigners from non-EU countries may notvote in Germany, migrants are underrepresented in political institutions,and state recognition of Muslim religious and cultural diversityhas not been forthcoming. Since 1990, however, a much smaller butsignificant number of Jewish migrants from eastern Europe and theformer Soviet Union have arrived in Germany. This population ofalmost 150,000 has been welcomed at the intersection of reparationspolicy and immigrant integration practice.

scholarly journals Political Values in Russia, Ukraine and Lithuania: Sources and Implications for Democracy

1994 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 183-223 ◽  
Author(s):  
William M. Reisinger ◽  
Arthur H. Miller ◽  
Vicki L. Hesli ◽  
Kristen Hill Maher
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Political Culture ◽  
Former Soviet Union ◽  
Age Groups ◽  
Soviet Period ◽  
Democratic Values ◽  
Political Values ◽  
Blue Collar Workers ◽  
Formative Experiences ◽  
Mass Opinion

Employing data from three surveys of mass opinion conducted in Lithuania, Ukraine and European Russia during 1990, 1991 and 1992, we examine three prominent but competing hypotheses about the source of political values in the post-Soviet societies: historically derived political culture, regime indoctrination and the effects of societal modernization. The literature on Soviet political culture argues that Russian mass values are distinguished by authoritarianism and love of order, values which will be largely shared by Ukrainians, especially East Ukrainians, whereas Lithuanian society would not evince this pattern. Our data do not support this hypothesis. We then examine acceptance of Soviet era norms, both political and economic. We do not find support for the argument that regime indoctrination during the Soviet period produced a set of ideologically derived values throughout the former Soviet Union and across a series of generations. The third hypothesis – that industrialization, urbanization, war and changing educational opportunities shaped the formative experiences of succeeding generations in the Soviet societies and, therefore, their citizens' values – receives the most support: in each of the three societies, differences in political values across age groups, places of residence and levels of education are noteworthy. The variations in political values we find across demographic groupings help us to understand the level of pro-democratic values in each society. We find that in Russia and Ukraine more support for democracy can be found among urban, better educated respondents than among other groups. In Lithuania, the urban and better educated respondents evince pro-democratic values at about the same level as their counterparts in Russia and Ukraine, but Lithuanian farmers and blue-collar workers support democracy at a level closer to urban, white-collar Lithuanians than to their Russian and Ukrainian counterparts. In all three societies, those citizens most likely to hold values supportive of democracy are those who are less favourable to Soviet-era values and less convinced of the primacy of the need for social and political ‘order’. Those who desire strong leadership, however, tend to have more democratic values, not more authoritarian ones.

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