scholarly journals Reducing prejudice through biased group contact?

2019 ◽  
Vol 18 ◽  
pp. 112-121
Author(s):  
Karolis Dambrauskas

[full article and abstract in English] Using the methods of critical discourse analysis, this article analyzes the TV program Mission: Vilnija as an example designed to fight stereotypes about Lithuanian national minorities. The article shows how instead of improving inter-group relations, the program helps to ensure the status quo of unequal intergroup relations between the Lithuanian majority and the country’s national minorities. The case analysis supports the argument that if the idea of parasocial contact and prejudice reduction is built upon non-reflected, biased premises, it will not eliminate these forms of prejudice but will only preserve and/or reinforce them.

2019 ◽  
Vol 18 ◽  
pp. 112-121
Author(s):  
Karolis Dambrauskas

[full article and abstract in English] Using the methods of critical discourse analysis, this article analyzes the TV program Mission: Vilnija as an example designed to fight stereotypes about Lithuanian national minorities. The article shows how instead of improving inter-group relations, the program helps to ensure the status quo of unequal intergroup relations between the Lithuanian majority and the country’s national minorities. The case analysis supports the argument that if the idea of parasocial contact and prejudice reduction is built upon non-reflected, biased premises, it will not eliminate these forms of prejudice but will only preserve and/or reinforce them.


2021 ◽  
Vol 29 ◽  
pp. 96
Author(s):  
David G. Nieto

Drawing upon Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) as theoretical framework and methodological tool, the present paper critically examines the legislation that has established English as official language in 30 states. This study captures the motivation and rationale of the policies, their stated outcomes and educational implications. The analysis situates the discourse embedded in official language policies within its socio-historical context and the conceptualization of race and language in the US. The results indicate that official English legislation responds to a conservative raciolinguistic ideology that seeks to reaffirm the hegemony of English as a mechanism of internal colonization. Official English attempts to establish monolingual educational and governmental practices that serve as an instrument to protect the status quo and, thus, perpetuate the privilege of whiteness and the subordination of immigrants, and Black, Indigenous, and People of Color (BIPOC). 


2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Aladdin Assaiqeli

This paper examines UN resolutions 242 and 338 to find whether these two milestone texts of UN discourse on the Palestine Question, taken as the basis for “the establishment of a just and lasting peace in the Middle East,” genuinely and practically work towards an amicable solution to this prolonged problem, this almost century-long unequal conflict. The study seeks to find out whether such UN discourse is linguistically structured to achieve such an end; with the ultimate goal being offering us “the possibility that we might profitably conceive the world in some alternative way” (Fowler, 1981 cited in Jaworski & Coupland, 1999, p. 33) as is the case with any discourse study that adopts ‘critical’ goals. The study therefore employs Ruth Wodak’s Discourse Historical Approach (DHA) — an approach within the pluralistic framework of CDA. The findings show that temporisation of the Palestine Question has been an indirect result of the bad faith and linguistic manipulation of the powerful forces; that the way these discourses are structured is responsible for perpetuating rather than ending Israeli occupation. So rather than redressing the ethnic cleansing of Palestine and ending Israeli occupation as the core of the Palestine Question, UN discourse is found to protract the status quo — the consolidation of Israeli power and expansionism.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brooke Richardson

This study provides insight into the wide and chronic gaps between childcare research and policy in Canada. More specifically, connections are made between how childcare policy was discussed in newspapers between 2008 and 2015, power relationships in society and policy outcomes. The theoretical ideas and methodological tools of political scientist Carol Bacchi and Norman Fairclough inform a what-is-the-problem-represented-to-be (WPR) and critical discourse analysis (CDA) respectively. The data was broken up into two periods: Period A (Jan 2008-Oct 2014) when childcare policy was peripheral on the federal policy agenda and Period B (Oct 2014-Nov 2015) when childcare policy re-emerged on the agenda. Data from both periods was analysed using WPR while only Period B data were analyzed using CDA. The findings reveal low levels of coverage of childcare policy during Period A, though coverage that did exist included a variety of problematizations. In Period B, when the volume of coverage of childcare coverage notably increased, the diversity of problematizations was much more limited and polarized. Childcare was most frequently represented as a private/family problem, a free market problem and/or a public problem – though the CDA revealed that the latter problematization was often superficially treated. The CDA revealed ideological tensions through a tendency of authors to dichotomize parental and non-parental care of children (care as a barrier/support to parenting). Gendered differences to reporting on childcare policy were also observed whereby male reporters asserted stronger modal claims than female authors, although female authors appear to have made a more concerted effort to contextualize their muted claims. Overall it is concluded that representation of childcare policy problems was limited to ideological ideals that perpetuate gendered, hegemonic power relations in society. It is suggested that this has contributed to a continuation of the status quo – with no significant shift in childcare policy at the federal level. A closer analysis of selected texts published in the year leading up to the 2015 election revealed that several text and discourse processes allowed dominant discourses not in the interests of those most affected by childcare (i.e., women, children and families) to remain largely unchallenged.


Actor network theory (ANT) or the “sociology of translation,” is introduced, being a systematic way to explain the mechanics and dynamics of relational interactions, within networks. The unique ontology of ANT equates human and non-human systems thereby conferring the MOU social partnership agreement with the status of an actor. The text within the MOU Agreement as an intermediary becomes the inscription, enabling the agreement to obtain having a discourse of its own and the capacity to attain a “black box” status within the network of relations that it creates for itself. ANT's strengths and weaknesses, critiques and value are highlighted as well as its suitability to be used to analyse network relations partnering with critical discourse analysis methodology.


2016 ◽  
Vol 44 (4-5) ◽  
pp. 733-751
Author(s):  
Tamara J. Lynn ◽  
L. Susan Williams

This paper demonstrates how print media sources frame the Tea Party and Occupy Wall Street in ways that, consciously or not, support the prevailing status quo – social, economic, and political elites. The study employs critical discourse analysis (CDA) as the analytic framework, investigating how print media (sometimes referred to as ‘print capitalism’) utilized framing techniques that disparaged the two political organizations but in very different ways. The analysis incorporates articles appearing in the New York Post and the New York Times from the inception of each organization, through six weeks after the 2012 Presidential Inauguration; articles were coded to uncover themes that defined both organizations as ‘outsiders.’ Tea Partiers are characterized as irrational demagogues, while Occupy Wall Street (OWS) activities are criminalized; both are dismissed as irrelevant, leaving the predominant ‘mainstream’ political rule intact. Findings identify tools of discourse used by media to limit the influence of competing movements while essentially protecting the status quo. Revealing these tools provides clues to unreliable discourse in media coverage of presidential candidates, which tends to quash open debate and threaten principles of participatory government.


2016 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-53
Author(s):  
Mukhamad Muhroji

This article reviews a critical discourse analysis implementing Norman Fairclough perspective as the basis of analysis. There are three kinds of dimensions to analyze according to Fairclough, they are sentence structure, lexicon, and meaning. This article is a report on a small CDA research by analyzing a television talk show, Indonesian Lawyer Club on TV One. The data are utterances recorded from the intercollutors in the event consisiting of nine parts of recording: Karni Ilyas, the host of the event, attorneys, Susno Duaji and his lawyer, and experts invited to the event. It was found that there were implicatures giving pragmatic force which were found in each recording which enabled watchers to understand the speaker meaning easily.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 121
Author(s):  
Prayudha Prayudha ◽  
Ma’ruf Fawwaz

This paper analyzes the textual aspects in Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) Norman Fairclough model of CNN news discourse about Uyghur issue. When this research is conducted, there are only at least five articles specifically discussing Uyghur issue that are 29th December 2011, 29th February 2012, 29th February 2012, 30th October 2013, and 5th September 2014 publications. The research focuses on analyzing the text representation and the relation between participants in the discourse. Objectives of the paper are: 1) to analyze the text representation of news in the news channel of CNN related to the Uyghur case, and 2) to analyze the relation between participants in the news channel of CNN related to the Uyghur case. The subject of this paper is Uyghur issue as reflected in the news articles of CNN International. The paper applies qualitative descriptive method. As a consequence: CNN often put formality features and a vague vocabulary to block and obscure the negative value from the readers to China. The relation here is presented by CNN to China rather than CNN to Uyghur. It is reflected by the power of the status of China.


2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 199
Author(s):  
Sanaa Hssni Al-Marayat

This paper reports on the findings of how the status of the audience affects the discourse of the writer in terms of the lexical choice and ideology. The data are elicited through a questionnaire that consists of (11) questions represent lexical choice and ideology. Analysis of the data suggests that there is a great support and satisfaction about the ideology of the editor more than some of the lexical choice questions. In addition, the editor was somewhat successful in reflecting what the audience thinks of. The study concludes with some implications and recommendations in the field of discourse analysis.


Pragmatics ◽  
2011 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 493-525 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ruth Breeze

This article briefly reviews the rise of Critical Discourse Analysis and teases out a detailed analysis of the various critiques that have been levelled at CDA and its practitioners over the last twenty years, both by scholars working within the “critical” paradigm and by other critics. A range of criticisms are discussed which target the underlying premises, the analytical methodology and the disputed areas of reader response and the integration of contextual factors. Controversial issues such as the predominantly negative focus of much CDA scholarship, and the status of CDA as an emergent “intellectual orthodoxy”, are also reviewed. The conclusions offer a summary of the principal criticisms that emerge from this overview, and suggest some ways in which these problems could be attenuated.


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