scholarly journals Wybrane płaszczyzny sporu o samorząd terytorialny w początkach III Rzeczpospolitej

Author(s):  
Paweł Gofron

Selected grounds of strife over the self ‑government at the beginning of the Third Polish RepublicThis article presents the selected grounds of strife over the self-govern-ment in Poland during the political transformation – from the end of the Polish People’s Republic to the beginning of the Third Republic of Poland. In the introduction the importance of the self -government re-form was emphasized. In the main content the discourse over the self--government during the Round Table Talks was reconstructed in outli-ne. Moreover, the projects of the implementation scheme of the reform were discussed. The last part of the text concerns the dispute over the introduction of poviats as the second level of self -government.

2020 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 9-24
Author(s):  
Tomasz Bojarowicz ◽  

The aim of the study is to compare the institutional solutions and practical activities of the government and local government administration in two periods: the Second and the Third Republic of Poland. Because of the need to refer to the documents from the period of the Second Republic of Poland, it was necessary to refer to the historical method. The study is based on the comparison of two orders from different periods, therefore it was necessary to use the comparative method for the purpose of the analysis conducted. In the study also a system approach was applied to the analysis of institutional solutions. Decentralist and centralist concepts clashed both in the period of the Second Republic of Poland and during the political transformation. The beginnings of the political change were characterised by the predominance of naturalist tendencies, while in the further stages of the development of the Polish state there were growing tendencies to increase the omnipotence of the state.


Author(s):  
Marek Klimek

Professor Jerzy Regulski played a key role in the process of building the self-government of the Third Polish Republic. He initiated his work on the self-government system as a part of the “Experience and Future” seminar on the turn of the 1970s and 1980s. During the period of the Polish Peoples Republic, the implementation of the developed opinions and assumptions was not possible. However, they turned out to be extremely valuable during the period of political transformation. During the session of the Round Table, Regulski was assignet to preside the works of the opposition party as a part of the Association and Self-Government Sub-team. After the victorious for the solidarity camp elections on June 4, 1989, Regulski supervised the realisation of local government reform. The restitution of communal self-government in 1990 was followed by establishing a direct self-government body at district and voivodship level in 1999.


Author(s):  
Marek Klimek

Professor Jerzy Regulski played a key role in the process of building the self-government of the Third Polish Republic. He initiated his work on the self-government system as a part of the “Experience and Future” seminar on the turn of the 1970s and 1980s. During the period of the Polish Peoples Republic, the implementation of the developed opinions and assumptions was not possible. However, they turned out to be extremely valuable during the period of political transformation. During the session of the Round Table, Regulski was assignet to preside the works of the opposition party as a part of the Association and Self-Government Sub-team. After the victorious for the solidarity camp elections on June 4, 1989, Regulski supervised the realisation of local government reform. The restitution of communal self-government in 1990 was followed by establishing a direct self-government body at district and voivodship level in 1999.


2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 44-54
Author(s):  
Savannah Pine

This paper questions why the Third Republic of France imposed conscription on Muslim Algerians in 1912. This action is peculiar because conscription was a tenant of French citizenship, which the French thought that Muslim Algerians were too inferior to have. A politician named Adolphe Messimy, the members of the Third Republic in control of the government in 1912, and a group called the Young Algerians convinced France to contradict its laws and beliefs to impose conscription. They did so because the self-interests of all three groups met at one moment in time and wanted conscription. This paper meticulously explains the motives of Adolphe Messimy, the Third Republic, and the Young Algerians to explain why each agreed to conscription. This research fits into the broader schematic of French Algerian history because it argues that Algeria, in part, gained its independence in 1962 due to the imposition of conscription in 1912.


1986 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 109-135 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mathew Burrows

Mission civilisatnce was one of the bywords of French colonial expansion under the Third Republic. Unfortunately until now there have been few works devoted to its study. Indeed, the notion itself has not been taken very seriously by scholars. As long ago as 1960 when Henri Brunschwig published his seminal work on French colonialism, he stated quite categorically: ‘en Angleterre la justification humanitaire l'emporta’ while ‘en France le nationalisme de 1870 domina’ even if that nationalism ‘ne s'exprima presque jamais sans une mention de cette “politique indigène” qui devait remplir les devoirs du civilisé envers des populations plus arriérées.’ Since then academics both in France and outside have tended to concentrate (in what few works have been written on French colonialism) on the political and economic aspects of the French Empire to the detriment of its cultural components.


1958 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 560-578 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eugen Weber

An epigram coined under the Third Republic presents the political Frenchman as torn between the claims of his heart on the Left and of his pocketbook on the Right. At a time when a nationalistic policy in Algeria draws heavily on all pocketbooks this idea seems out of date: today a good section of the French public is trying to reconcile accepted attitudes with a new policy, and the old phraseology of the Left conceals less and less successfully an ideology of the Right. The trend is strengthened by transfusions of new blood from a colonial domain lost or endangered in the last few years; that is, by the arrival in metropolitan France of tens of thousands of politically active and actively resentful citizens from Indo-China, Morocco, Tunisia, impenitently expressing their disrespect for democratic values, their wartime sympathies for Pétain and Vichy, and their contempt for the traditional language of political conformity.


1989 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 143-153
Author(s):  
A. R. Momin

The expansion of Western coloniaHsrn during the nineteenth and twentiethcenturies brought in its wake the economic and political domination andexploitation of the Third World countries. Western colonialism andethnocentrism went hand in hand. The colonial ideology was rationalizedand justified in terms of the white man's burden; it was believed that theWhite races of Europe had the moral duty to carry the torch of civilizationwhichwas equated with Christianity and Western culture-to the dark comersof Asia and Africa. The ideology of Victorian Europe accorded the full statusof humanity only to European Christians; the "other" people were condemned,as Edmund Leach has bluntly put it, as "sub-human animals, monsters,degenerate men, damned souls, or the products of a separate creation" (Leach,1982).One of the most damaging consequences of colonialism relates to a massiveundermining of the self-confidence of the colonized peoples. Their culturalvalues and institutions were ridiculed and harshly criticized. Worse still, theWestern pattern of education introduced by colonial governments produceda breed of Westernized native elite, who held their own cultural heritage incontempt and who consciously identified themselves with the culture of theircolonial masters.During the nineteenth century Orientalism emerged as an intellectualally of Western colonialism. As Edward Said has cogently demonstrated,Oriental ism was a product of certain political and ideological forces operatingin Europe during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, and that it wasinextricably bound up with Western ethnocentrism, racism, and imperialism(Said, 1978).Most of the colonized countries of the Third World secured politicalliberation from Western powers during the early decades of the present century.Regrettably, however, political liberation was not always followed byideological, cultural, and intellectual jndependence. For one thing, most ofthe ex-colonial countries continued with the colonial pattern of education.Secondly, most of them were drawn into the political and cultural orbit ofeither the United States or Soviet Russia. A subtle but pervasive form of ...


Author(s):  
Grzegorz Radomski

The research aim of this article is to analyze the ideo-political reflections of the publicists andactivists connected with the young nationalists movement in the 1930s on the background of the political philosophy included in the book by a Russian thinker Nikolai Berdyaev (1874–1948) New Middle Ages. The fate of a man in a contemporary world, translated by MarianReutt – idealistically and organizationally connected with the nationalist formation of the1930s the research ambition of the author is to show the idea of “new Middle Ages”, accentingthe meaning of collective ethics (Decalogue ethics) as a factor of social solidarity, which isnow called “civic religion”, which means values and rules fundamental for the conceptof a national country – in a shape dictated by the publicist of the “Myśl Narodowa” in theyears of the Third Republic. The author refers to the contemporary phenomenon of ideasecularization and the atrophy of the “civic religion”, which – as Berdyaev convinces – is anopportunity to manipulate the consciousness of an entity and allows for releasing in it a stateof uncritical adaptation of the politically dangerous offers (various forms of totalitarianism).Furthermore, in the face of the progressive dechristianisation and ateisation of the society,the postulates by Berdyaev and his young nationalist successors lose the value of usefulnessand are included into the catalog of the idealist system concepts, becoming an utopian versionof the democratic system.Key words: nationalism, political theology, New Middle Ages idea


Author(s):  
Banu Turnaoğlu

This chapter analyzes how the Young Turk Revolution of 1908 had provided a different conception of what politics should mean and how it should operate in the Ottoman Empire, along with a new conception of state and society. Drawing on the political language of the French Third Republic, democracy and liberal republican ideas slowly transformed the terminology and categorization of central issues in Ottoman politics and laid the most salient intellectual and institutional foundations for the young Republic. The revolution opened the Second Constitutional period (1908–18). Its first phase revitalized the liberal constitutionalism of the Young Ottomans. Political thinking drew heavily upon Montesquieu's formula for the separation of powers in combination with the ideas of the Third Republic and Ottoman positivism.


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