scholarly journals Conscription, Citizenship, and French Algeria

2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 44-54
Author(s):  
Savannah Pine

This paper questions why the Third Republic of France imposed conscription on Muslim Algerians in 1912. This action is peculiar because conscription was a tenant of French citizenship, which the French thought that Muslim Algerians were too inferior to have. A politician named Adolphe Messimy, the members of the Third Republic in control of the government in 1912, and a group called the Young Algerians convinced France to contradict its laws and beliefs to impose conscription. They did so because the self-interests of all three groups met at one moment in time and wanted conscription. This paper meticulously explains the motives of Adolphe Messimy, the Third Republic, and the Young Algerians to explain why each agreed to conscription. This research fits into the broader schematic of French Algerian history because it argues that Algeria, in part, gained its independence in 1962 due to the imposition of conscription in 1912.

Author(s):  
Paweł Gofron

Selected grounds of strife over the self ‑government at the beginning of the Third Polish RepublicThis article presents the selected grounds of strife over the self-govern-ment in Poland during the political transformation – from the end of the Polish People’s Republic to the beginning of the Third Republic of Poland. In the introduction the importance of the self -government re-form was emphasized. In the main content the discourse over the self--government during the Round Table Talks was reconstructed in outli-ne. Moreover, the projects of the implementation scheme of the reform were discussed. The last part of the text concerns the dispute over the introduction of poviats as the second level of self -government.


1940 ◽  
Vol 34 (6) ◽  
pp. 1104-1123 ◽  
Author(s):  
Otto Kirchheimer

In the World War period and after, the use of extraordinary powers by the executive for legislative purposes became so widespread in Europe that constitutional theorists began to find it convenient to give up the doctrine of legislative supremacy. The constitutional basis for these extraordinary powers has been found in one of two ways: either the parliament may authorize the government to exercise certain legislative functions by way of delegation, or certain provisions in the constitution may be interpreted as giving the executive the right under certain circumstances not only to take specific administrative steps, but also to issue rules of a more general character. In either case, the question invariably arises as to how far the delegation of power may go, or as to the degree to which alleged constitutional emergency provisions may be used to supersede parliamentary legislation.In France, no constitutional emergency power is provided in the “organic” laws of 1875 which could give a starting point for independent rule-making activity. A law of April 3, 1878, defined very closely the conditions under which a state of siege may be declared and surrounded such a declaration with elaborate provisions for parliamentary supervision. It is apparent that this statute does not allow the government to decree rules of a general character.


2020 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 9-24
Author(s):  
Tomasz Bojarowicz ◽  

The aim of the study is to compare the institutional solutions and practical activities of the government and local government administration in two periods: the Second and the Third Republic of Poland. Because of the need to refer to the documents from the period of the Second Republic of Poland, it was necessary to refer to the historical method. The study is based on the comparison of two orders from different periods, therefore it was necessary to use the comparative method for the purpose of the analysis conducted. In the study also a system approach was applied to the analysis of institutional solutions. Decentralist and centralist concepts clashed both in the period of the Second Republic of Poland and during the political transformation. The beginnings of the political change were characterised by the predominance of naturalist tendencies, while in the further stages of the development of the Polish state there were growing tendencies to increase the omnipotence of the state.


2018 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 109-127
Author(s):  
Mike Gane

This review article considers two lecture courses by Michel Foucault (1972–73, 1979–80) and two books relating to the whole series of lectures (1970–84) by Stuart Elden. Foucault’s lecture courses can be divided into three phases, the first focused on the difference between sovereign and disciplinary power; the second on biopower, security, and liberalism; and the third on the government of the self and others. Foucault in 1976–79 altered his earlier frame by introducing the concept of governmentality and security dispositif and identified a missing, fourth type of power-governmentality called “socialism,” around which his concerns revolved for the remaining courses. Today there is a new Foucault effect, which has arisen around the courses on governmentality, neoliberalism, and biopower. The two courses by Foucault are situated in relation to the complete set of courses, and Elden’s books are welcomed critically as throwing light on the background to the lectures and Foucault’s main publications in this period but are problematic with respect to Foucault’s theoretical framework.


2018 ◽  
pp. 7-20
Author(s):  
Anita ADAMCZYK ◽  
Elżbieta LESIEWICZ ◽  
Witold MAZURCZAK ◽  
Paweł STACHOWIAK

The paper tries to sum up the celebrations to commemorate the twentieth anniversary of the Third Republic in 1989 and to present them in the context of the ‘remembrance policy’,meaning the endeavors various circles are engaged in to shape Polish society’s collective memory. The authors analyze the celebrations in terms of several selected aspects. The first one concerns the academic field: conferences, seminars and resulting publications. Another aspect refers to the official celebrations organized by state institutions. The third is about the response and debates taking place in newspapers at that time. The review of different ways of commemorating the anniversary results in the conclusion that they were all strongly politicized and used for the purposes of the current political struggle. This was particularly clear during the official celebrations, divided into those organized by the government and president respectively, yet even the events organized under academic auspices were not free from political manipulation. Therefore, the celebrations corroborated the fact that 1989 has not strongly registered in Poles’ awareness as a generational experience that positively organizes the collective memory; the celebrations did not stimulate a nationwide reflection on the achievements of the era commenced with the events of 1989. They did not make a contribution to creating in the collective memory a ‘national consensus of pride’ at the regained statehood reminiscent of that of the Second Republic.


Author(s):  
Kory Olson

In order to understand fully the proposed communication circuit between map maker and map reader, one may turn to a variety of tools, such as semiotics, the framework for my map image analysis. The investigation of colour, shapes, symbols, and text on maps of Third-Republic Paris help uncover underlying themes of modernity, stability, ease of movement, and growth. There are also benefits to be gained from working with maps. The visual nature of the medium has the potential to draw a reader’s eye much more effectively than pages and pages of black and white script. Beyond discourse, this chapter also investigates the changing role of the French state in the history of cartography. With a population that could more readily access and understand maps as the Third Republic progressed, cartography helped foster the growing field of French urbanism and planning. Furthermore, the government shifted from presenting what it had accomplished in Paris throughout the Third Republic to planning and managing its growth and state cartography needed to adapt. An investigation of historic cartographic colour printing techniques will show how this is done and support this book’s map analysis.


2017 ◽  
Vol 27 (3) ◽  
pp. 482-499
Author(s):  
CAROLINE CAMPBELL

One of the defining paradoxes of interwar France was the coexistence of a deep-rooted belief in national decadence with the development of a wide range of innovative organisations, cumulatively mobilising millions of people, as a means of fighting this supposed decline. While women played a key role in perpetuating the belief that the Republic was deteriorating, created numerous politically-oriented groups and entered into the government as ministers for the first time, these facts have barely entered into scholarly analysis of the state of France's political culture. Beginning in the 1960s a narrative of stagnation tended to dominate scholars’ interpretations of the interwar years. Reflective of the times, gender was absent from such analyses, as scholars defined ‘politics’ in certain ways and assumed that political actors were men. The influential political scientist Stanley Hoffman, for example, insisted that this was a period of stalemate, essentially the consequence of a failure to modernise during the Third Republic (1870–1940). Hoffman argued that peasants, small business and the bourgeoisie coalesced to advocate for protectionist measures and resist social and economic reforms. This conservative agenda was facilitated by governments that sought to limit economic change, which contributed to ministerial instability: during the interwar period, the French government changed forty-seven times, compared to thirty in Poland and Romania, nine in Great Britain and an average of one per year in Weimar Germany, Belgium and Sweden. For Anglophone and Francophone proponents of the idea of a systemic crisis, the Third Republic appears fundamentally flawed, crippled by an intrinsic defect rather than a democratic government that opened spaces for dynamic groups and movements to effect real change.


PMLA ◽  
1955 ◽  
Vol 70 (5) ◽  
pp. 955-967 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard B. Grant

Coinciding roughly with the establishment of the Third Republic, there developed in France a wave of anti-Semitism that was to lead ultimately to the Dreyfus affair. Thousands of Jews had moved to Paris, Marseilles, and Lyons after Germany took Alsace and Lorraine, bringing with them competition in finance, as well as a thick accent and coarse manners. It was also at this time (1882) that the great Catholic bank, the Union Générale, failed, ruining thousands of small investors. The action of the government in suddenly arresting for fraud the President and the Director of the firm just as they were attempting to rebuild their bank, and the subsequent accusation by the President, Eugène Bontoux, that the Jews, in league with the “Freemason” government, were responsible for having ruined him because he was a Christian, gave rise to one of the great anti-Semitic myths of the age. It was fully exploited by Edouard Drumont in La France juive (1886), a book that was widely sold and passionately discussed.


2020 ◽  
Vol 46 (2) ◽  
pp. 25-42
Author(s):  
Geoff Read

This article explores the case of N’Guyen Van Binh, a South Vietnamese political prisoner exiled for his alleged role in “Poukhombo’s Rebellion” in Cambodia in 1866. Although Van Binh’s original sentence of exile was reduced to one year in prison he was nonetheless deported and disappeared into the maw of the colonial systems of indentured servitude and forced labor; he likely did not survive the experience. He was thus the victim of injustice and his case reveals the at best haphazard workings of the French colonial bureaucracy during the period of transition from the Second Empire to the Third Republic. While the documentary record is entirely from the perspective of the colonizers, reading between the lines we can also learn something about Van Binh himself including his fierce will to resist his colonial oppressors.


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