scholarly journals Gerakan Salafi Radikal dalam Konteks Islam Indonesia: Tinjauan Sejarah

2014 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Zuly Qodir
Keyword(s):  
Saudi Arabia ◽  
Middle East ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
The Political ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Leaders And Followers ◽  
Heated Debate ◽  
History Of ◽  
Radical Movements

This paper is aimed at describing the advent and development of the radical Salafi movement in Indonesia. Historically speaking, such movement was originated in the Middle East especially in Saudi Arabia, Jordan and Syria. In these countries movements like Hizbut Tahrir and Wahhabiya –to mention but few- were found and well-established. Movements such as these were actually banned subsequently in their countries of origin mainly for propagating the idea of Khilafah and for trying to topple the legitimate government. In Indonesia interestingly, the Salafi radical movements survived and even flourished amid the heavy criticism from their antagonists. Leading campuses in the country such as Bogor Institute for Agriculture (Institut Teknologi Bogor/IPB) became their safe-heavens, as it were. Leaders and followers of Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI) as well as Islamic Justice Welfare Party (PKS) were graduates of this campus. Hence, it was on this campus that the seed of these Salafi movements was planted. The HTI and PKS must be considered the most important Salafi movements in modern Indonesia. They have played their important role in forming the history of this country. Views have been expressed concerning their nature and agendas. Some maintain that these movements are radical and fundamentalists and bear the political agenda to transform Indonesia into becoming the “Islamic State”. Others are of belief that these movements are moderate and progressive, or else revivalist and neo-fundamentalists. It is on this heated debate that this paper is interested in. It will explore the nature and agendas of these two Salafi movements by referring –first- to the views expressed by the experts, and –second- the views of the leadership of the Nahdhatul ‘Ulama (NU) and Muhammadiyah, two largest Muslim organization in Indonesia.

scholarly journals Islam's Attitude towards Democracy Comparative Study in International Human Rights Law

2016 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 73
Author(s):  
Suhail Hussein Al-Fatlawi
Keyword(s):  
Legal System ◽  
Liberal Democracy ◽  
Fifth Century ◽  
The Political ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
International Human Rights Law ◽  
Legislative Authority ◽  
The People ◽  
History Of ◽  
Muslim Scholars

<p>Democracy was established in the Greek cities in the fifth century B.C. It is a liberal western system. In this regard, various Islamic countries applied democracy as a political and legal system where the people elect their representatives in the legislative authority in order to put the legal regulations that organize the human behavior.</p>The research included a brief idea about liberal democracy, its history and objectives, the political and legal system in the Islamic state, the dispute among Muslim scholars on the application of democracy in the Islamic states; some Muslim scholars refuse to apply democracy since the legal system in Islam relies on the Holly Qor'an and the Prophet's speeches, which are a biding regulation for Muslims, while other authors believe that Islam accepts democracy and others think that Islam should have its special democracy that differs from the liberal democracy. This paper discussed the political and legal systems that were applied the Islamic state during the history of Islam. Finally the paper presented the most conclusions and recommendations reached by the researcher.

scholarly journals ABOUT MEDIEVAL EGYPTIAN HISTORIANS

2020 ◽  
pp. 46-55
Author(s):  
ZUKHRA ARIPOVA
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
Primary Sources ◽  
The Political ◽  
Ibn Khaldun ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
History Of ◽  
Extensive Information ◽  
The Rich ◽  
Mamluk Period ◽  
Historical Methods

This article is dedicated to the life and work of historians of the Mamluk period (1250-1517) in Egypt and the rich heritage left by them. In the XIII-XV centuries, Egypt had a special place among the countries of the Middle East due to the activities of the Mamluks. The prestige of the Mamluk sultans increased due to their victories in the fght against the Crusaders and the Mongols in the Middle East. The establishment of Mamluk rule in the history of Egypt, the growth of the superiority of military Mamluks in the country, the rise of the Bakhrit Mamluk sultans (1250-1382) and the political processes of the Burjit (Circassian) Mamluk period (1282-1517) are of particular interest for s this study. This article provides extensive information on the activities and works of medieval historians such as Abu alMahasin, Ibn Daud Al-Sayraf, Abd Ar-Rahman As-Sahawi, Jalal ad-Din As-Suyuti, Ibn Iyas Muhammad ibn Ahmad and Ibn Zanbal Ar-Rummal, Ali ibn Ahmad Ibn al-Asir, Abd Ar-Rahman Ibn Khaldun, al-Umari, Shahab ad-din alKalkashandi, Taki ad-din Al-Makrizi, Az-Zahiri, Khalil ibn Shahin. Relevance: After Uzbekistan gained independence, orientalists have new opportunities to search, study and disseminate information about Islam and the history of Islam among the general public. When studying the period of the history of the Mamluks in Egypt, many aspects of the history of Mavaraunnahr of that time are also revealed. Studying the primary sources containing information on this topic makes it possible to objectively evaluate the political, social and economic processes of this period. Methods. The article uses generally accepted historical methods based on the principles of historicity, structurality and objectivity. Conclusions: Also, it must be pointed out that objective coverage of the history of this period, in addition to the historical works of the above authors of the 13th-15th centuries, is facilitated by the study of various scientifc treatises, commentaries, shortened versions of works (almukhtasar), dictionaries, prose and poetic works.

scholarly journals The Finnish Comprehensive School

2019 ◽  
pp. 122-142
Author(s):  
Jaakko Kauko
Keyword(s):  
International Student ◽  
Comprehensive School ◽  
The Political ◽  
Policy Success ◽  
Political Debates ◽  
Path Dependencies ◽  
Complex Development ◽  
Heated Debate ◽  
History Of ◽  
Complexity Theories

For a decade, Finnish education, claimed to be among the best in the world, has basked in international glory. This reputation is largely due to the country’s success in the Programme for International Student Achievement (PISA), run by the OECD. The aim of this chapter is to critically examine this purported policy success of the Finnish comprehensive school from the perspective of complexity theories. By drawing on different research and statistical data, the chapter critically analyses the extent to which the Finnish comprehensive school can be seen as a success story in terms of performance. Using the well-reported history of the comprehensive school, it teases out the milestones of its development, while pointing to contingencies and path dependencies along the way, which have led to its legitimate position. It also reviews scholarly accounts in contrast to the political debates. Finally, the chapter sums up the complex development of comprehensive education and discusses the question under heated debate: what, if anything, can we learn from it?

Desert Geopolitics

2021 ◽  
Vol 41 (1) ◽  
pp. 88-105
Author(s):  
Natalie Koch
Keyword(s):  
Saudi Arabia ◽  
Middle East ◽  
Environmental History ◽  
Political Geography ◽  
Us Southwest ◽  
Space And Time ◽  
Political Narratives ◽  
The Us ◽  
Milk Cows ◽  
History Of

Abstract In 2014 the largest dairy company in the Middle East, Almarai, purchased a farm near Vicksburg, Arizona, to grow alfalfa as feed for cattle in Saudi Arabia. Almarai is headquartered at Al Kharj farms, just outside of Riyadh, where it has a herd of more than 93,000 milk cows. Given that dairy and alfalfa farms both require an immense amount of water to maintain, what explains these developments in the deserts of Arizona and Arabia? The answers are historical and contemporary, demanding an approach to “desert geopolitics” that explains how environmental and political narratives bind experts across space and time. As a study in political geography and environmental history, this article uncovers a geopolitics of connection that has long linked the US Southwest and the Middle East, as well as the interlocking imperial visions advanced in their deserts. To understand these arid entanglements, I show how Almarai's purchase of the Vicksburg farm is part of a genealogy of exchanges between Saudi Arabia and Arizona that dates to the early 1940s. The history of Al Kharj and the decades-long agricultural connections between Arizona and Saudi Arabia sheds light on how specific actors imagine the “desert” as a naturalized site of scarcity, but also of opportunity to build politically and economically useful bridges between the two regions.

A Study of Political Discourses in Egypt Post-Mubarak Era

2021 ◽  
pp. 002190962110491
Author(s):  
Abbas Keshavarz Shokri ◽  
Jabbar Shojaei
Keyword(s):  
Discourse Analysis ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
The Political ◽  
Target Groups ◽  
Political Discourses ◽  
Political Struggles ◽  
Political Forces ◽  
History Of ◽  
Political Groups ◽  
Made In

The collapse of the Mubarak regime on 25 January 2011 marked the beginning of profound discursive challenges in Egypt. Following the January Revolution, the political forces and discourses long suppressed by Mubarak finally felt free to participate in the political struggles of the time, and attempted to lead the charge in the rebuilding and reorganizing process of Egyptian society. To shed light on the origin and characteristics of these discourses, attempts have been made in this paper to explain through discourse analysis the four major political discourses in today’s Egypt: democratic Islamism, authoritarian Islamism, secular democracy, and secular authoritarianism, and also to identify the political groups representing each discourse, their target groups, the method of their argumentation, and finally their proposed political agenda. To explain these discourses, the a posteriori discourse method is used, i.e. identifying the history of the formation of components and features of discourses. To this end, the discourse analysis of theorists such as Foucault and Van Dyke has been used to examine political discourses in Egypt. The factors used to examine the discourses are: discourse producers, discourse audiences, discourse content, and discourse actions.

26. Conflict and Chaos in the Middle East

2020 ◽  
pp. 643-669
Author(s):  
John W. Young ◽  
John Kent
Keyword(s):  
Saudi Arabia ◽  
Civil War ◽  
Middle East ◽  
Arab Spring ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
International Intervention ◽  
The Arab Spring

This chapter examines the unrest across the Middle East in the 2010s. The first section focuses on the civil war in Syria and the role of so-called Islamic State., examining the causes of the Syrian uprising and the development of protests against President Assad into civil war. It describes the growth of Jihadism, formation of Ahrar al-Sham, and emergence of ISIS, and the subsequent declaration of a Caliphate. The escalation and destructive impact of the conflict is examined in the context of increasing international intervention and the involvement of foreign powers in both exacerbation of the conflict and efforts to restore peace. The second section describes the growing regional importance of Iran alongside the 2015 nuclear deal and tensions with Saudi Arabia. The chapter concludes with the Arab Spring in Tunisia and Egypt, conflict in Yemen, and the downfall of Gaddafi in Libya.

Israel and the European Union

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sharon Pardo
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Middle East ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Trade Relations ◽  
History Of ◽  
The One ◽  
Integration Project ◽  
The Eu

Israeli-European Union (EU) relations have consisted of a number of conflicting trends that have resulted in the emergence of a highly problematic and volatile relationship: one characterized by a strong and ever-increasing network of economic, cultural, and personal ties, yet marked, at the political level, by disappointment, bitterness, and anger. On the one hand, Israel has displayed a genuine desire to strengthen its ties with the EU and to be included as part of the European integration project. On the other hand, Israelis are deeply suspicious of the Union’s policies and are untrusting of the Union’s intentions toward the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and to the Middle East as a whole. As a result, Israel has been determined to minimize the EU’s role in the Middle East peace process (MEPP), and to deny it any direct involvement in the negotiations with the Palestinians. The article summarizes some key developments in Israeli-European Community (EC)/EU relations since 1957: the Israeli (re)turn to Europe in the late 1950s; EC-Israeli economic and trade relations; the 1980 Venice Declaration and the EC/EU involvement in the MEPP; EU-Israeli relations in a regional/Mediterranean context; the question of Israeli settlements’ products entering free of duty to the European Common Market; EU-Israeli relations in the age of the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP); the failed attempt to upgrade EU-Israeli relations between the years 2007 and 2014; and the Union’s prohibition on EU funding to Israeli entities beyond the 1967 borders. By discussing the history of this uneasy relationship, the article further offers insights into how the EU is actually judged as a global-normative actor by Israelis.

Tehran and Muscat could deepen economic ties

2017 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Saudi Arabia ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
The Political ◽  
Economic Diversification ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Economic Relations ◽  
Military Alliance ◽  
Gcc Countries ◽  
Financial Benefits ◽  
Economic Ties

Significance Oman has historically maintained strong business and diplomatic links with Iran, cutting across the anti-Iranian political agenda pressed by Saudi Arabia on the other Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries. Economic relations are now more important for Muscat than Tehran, while the political ties are most useful for Iranian foreign policy. However, Oman in January 2017 joined the Saudi-led Islamic Military Alliance to Fight Terrorism, comprising 40 countries excluding Iran and Iraq. Impacts Oman’s urgent need for economic diversification will broaden its search for economic partners. If the Iran-Saudi Arabia regional confrontation worsens, Oman’s midway stance could be tilted by financial benefits from either side. In case of a serious Washington-Tehran showdown, Muscat would maintain quiet links with Iran, but ultimately prioritise US relations.

Collaboration, confrontation, and controversy: the politics of monument restoration in Georgia and the case of Bagrati Cathedral

2017 ◽  
Vol 45 (4) ◽  
pp. 669-686 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Long
Keyword(s):  
Architectural History ◽  
World Heritage ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
The Political ◽  
Orthodox Church ◽  
Sharp Focus ◽  
World Heritage List ◽  
The World ◽  
History Of ◽  
Preservation And Restoration

This paper examines the history of the restoration, or more accurately, reconstruction of Bagrati Cathedral in western Georgia. Constructed in 1003, Bagrati Cathedral is an important cultural monument in the political and architectural history of Georgia. Destroyed by an explosion in 1691, the cathedral was inscribed on UNESCO's World Heritage List in 1994 in its ruined state. However, the Georgian government under President Mikheil Saakashvili and Georgian Orthodox Church (GOC) officials made the reconstruction and reconsecration of the cathedral a priority. The reconstruction of Bagrati Cathedral, completed in September 2012, brought the differing aims of Georgian politicians, GOC officials, and architectural historians – the major players in the process – into sharp focus. This paper maintains that the rebuilding of Bagrati Cathedral was part of Saakashvili's political agenda, which merged with the interests of the GOC and worked against the objectives of architectural historians and the aims of academic principles of restoration and preservation. The result is that Bagrati has been rebuilt but is under threat of removal from the World Heritage List. The story of Bagrati's reconstruction has implications for the future of monument preservation and restoration in Georgia.

Building for the Shah: Market Entry, Political Reality and Risks on the Iranian Market, 1933–1939

2008 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 637-669
Author(s):  
Steen Andersen
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
Market Entry ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Risks ◽  
Political Reality ◽  
Construction Firm ◽  
History Of ◽  
Managerial Positions ◽  
Oil Company ◽  
Second World

Unlike other Western European companies operating in Iran between the first and second world wars, the Danish construction firm Kampsax pursued a forestalling strategy in dealing with the political imperative of Reza Shah. The British Bank of the Middle East and the Anglo-Persian Oil Company, by contrast, pursued an absorption strategy. That is, they actively tried to “Iranize” their operations by appointing native Iranians to important managerial positions. Kampsax, however, made no attempt at “Iranization,” depending entirely on contractual relations with local builders and labor forces. This no doubt contributed to the firm's exposure as a totally foreign enterprise and lessened their chances of gaining favor with the Shah's advisors, who pursued an overtly nationalistic set of policies. The history of Kampsax in Iran therefore offers a useful case to use the concept of the political risks in relation to multinationals working in dictatorial settings. This paper undertakes such a study and concludes that the absorption strategy that was already being pursued by British firms offers a better way of managing such risks.

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