Political Development and Socioeconomic Development: The Case of Latin America

1968 ◽  
Vol 62 (3) ◽  
pp. 889-897 ◽  
Author(s):  
Martin C. Needler

One way of acquiring insight into the processes of political development in Latin America is to compare the countries of the area systematically in terms of the “degree of development” which each can be said to have attained. Ideally, such an enterprise can lead to the understanding of the past history of the “more developed” countries by reference to the present problems of the “less developed” while an understanding of the problems confronting the more developed countries can make possible a glimpse into the future of those now less developed. Isolation of the factors responsible for a state's being more or less developed can moreover prove instructive for the understanding of the relations between political and socioeconomic phenomena.Perhaps most important, such comparisons provide the means for holding constant effects attributable to characteristics shared by all, or nearly all, of the Latin American countries. Thus it can be argued with much plausibility that military intervention in politics, say, derives from elements in the Hispanic tradition. Yet it is clear that the frequency of military intervention varies from country to country, even where they share equally in that tradidition. Thus one is forced to go beyond the “Hispanic tradition” thesis with which the investigation might otherwise have come to rest.In the present article I will be concerned with the problem of the relation of political development to socioeconomic development in the Latin American context. For reasons that will become apparent below, I will not at this point attempt a rigorous analysis of the concept of political development, which has already been the subject of a large and rapidly growing literature.

Author(s):  
Nicola Miller

This chapter recounts the Latin American countries that welcomed foreign innovation and expertise for technically demanding infrastructure projects. It mentions how the American continent's first railways were built by Spanish American engineers under contract to the respective states, contrary to the common belief that British or US American companies always led the way. It also focuses on the visibility and intensity of public concern about the relationship between science and sovereignty in late nineteenth-century Latin America. The chapter reviews the overlooked history of resistance in Latin American countries on handing over infrastructure projects to private companies, especially if they were foreign owned. It disputes conceptions of the role of the state and provides further evidence for the argument that free-market liberals did not have their own way in nineteenth-century Latin America.


1998 ◽  
Vol 14 (suppl 3) ◽  
pp. S109-S115 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vera Luiza da Costa e Silva ◽  
Sergio Koifman

Smoking has become a major public health problem in Latin America, and its scope varies from country to country. Despite difficulties in obtaining methodologically consistent data for the region, we analyzed the results from prevalence surveys in 14 Latin American countries. Smoking prevalence among men varied from 24.1% (Paraguay) to 66.3% (Dominican Republic) and among women from 5.5% (Paraguay) to 26,6% (Uruguay). By applying point prevalence data to the stage model of the tobacco epidemic in developed countries, we concluded that the Latin American countries are in stage 2, i.e., with a clearly rising prevalence among men, a prevalence for women that is beginning to increase, and mortality attributable to smoking among men still not reflecting peak prevalence. None of the countries analyzed appeared to have reached stage 3, in which one observes a downward trend in prevalence of smoking among men and peak prevalence among women, with broad impact on tobacco-related mortality. The only exception appears to be Paraguay, which is still emerging from stage 1, i.e., with low prevalence rates among men, too. Nevertheless, high lung cancer mortality rates in Uruguay and Argentina are comparable to those of the developed countries.


1959 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 237-255 ◽  
Author(s):  
Harry Kantor

The election of Rómulo Betancourt as constitutional President of Venezuela for the 1959-1964 term marks a turning point in that country's political evolution and a high point in the tide of reform now sweeping Latin American toward stable constitutional government. The new president of Venezuela and the party he leads, Acción Democrática, represent the same type of reformist movement as those now flourishing in many other countries of Latin America. As a result, dictatorship in the spring of 1959 is confined to the Dominican Republic, Nicaragua, and Paraguay. The situation in Haiti is unclear, but in the other sixteen republics the governments are controlled by parties and leaders which are to a greater or lesser degree trying to get away from the past and seem to have the support of their populations in their efforts. This marks a great change from most of the past history of the Latin American Republics in which the population was ruled by dictatorial cliques dedicated to the preservation of a status quo which meant the perpetuation of poverty and backwardness for most of the Latin Americans.


1959 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 584-599
Author(s):  
David Felix

Industrial growth and chronic, in many cases severe, inflation are two salient features of the past-war economic history of the larger Latin American countries. There is general recognition that the two phenomena are related, at least in the sense that industry has been one of the major recipients of state subsidies and inflationary credit. But beyond this, analysis divides into the usual demand inflation and cost-push categories.


2001 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-81
Author(s):  
PAMELA K. STARR

ABSTRACT The capacity of dollarization to generate stable growth in Latin America despite occasional instability in the international financial system has been the subject of significant economic analysis in recent years. Yet very little attention has been afforded to the politics of the issue. This paper attempts to fill this void by looking at both the political and the economic factors which influence the policy effectiveness of dollarization. The paper reviews the theoretic and policy debate within which the dollarization question is situated and then develops an informal model of the political and economic variables which influence the viability of dollarization. It concludes that although dollarization may be the correct policy choice for some Latin American countries, it is unlikely to benefit the majority. Most Latin American countries would benefit more from directly addressing the forces know to promote economic instability.


2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 258-271
Author(s):  
Fernando Arias ◽  
Alfredo Salado ◽  
Carlos Medina ◽  
Mayteé Zambrano

5G has become a reality in Latin America and it is expected to boost the digital revolution with key capabilities, including higher speeds and ultra-low latency, thus enabling innovative solutions and socioeconomic development. But its deployment faces many challenges related to, among other factors, spectrum allocation and infrastructure deployment. In this work we assess the current public policy and regulatory environment in Latin America regarding the adoption and deployment of 5G technology, considering mainly the above-mentioned challenges. From the analysis, it is possible to note that Latin American countries exhibit different levels of commitment and progress in 5G deployment since, for example, the spectrum allocation and assignment for 5G is still underway, and many regulations hamper instead to facilitate the implementation of 5G networks. On the other hand, the analysis confirms the necessity of having public policies and regulations which define flexible, efficient and transparent processes for all aspects related to 5G deployment.


2021 ◽  
Vol 80 (316) ◽  
pp. 109
Author(s):  
Eduardo Ramírez Cedillo ◽  
Francisco López Herrera

<p>Se analiza la relación del crecimiento económico con el gasto público de 16 países latinoamericanos de 1990 a 2017. Este trabajo contribuye a la literatura sobre el tema enfocándose en la región. Los resultados de un modelo para paneles cointegrados respaldan la ley de Wagner en el largo plazo y brindan evidencia parcial a favor de las hipótesis de Keynes en el corto plazo.</p><p><strong> </strong></p><p align="center">PUBLIC SPENDING AND GROWTH IN LATIN AMERICA:</p><p align="center">WAGNER´S LAW AND KEYNES’S HYPOTHESIS<strong></strong></p><p align="center"><strong>ABSTRACT</strong></p><p>The relationship between economic growth and public spending in 16 Latin American countries from 1990 to 2017 is analyzed. This paper contributes to the literature on the subject focusing on the region. The results from a model of cointegrated panels support Wagner’s Law in the long term and provides partial evidence in favor of the Keynesian hypotheses in the short term.</p>


2012 ◽  
Vol 37 (3) ◽  
pp. 28-37
Author(s):  
Belén Gesto ◽  
Guillermo Gómez ◽  
Julián Salas

While the illegal occupation of land by families lacking the means to acquire housing on the market is hardly front page news in Latin America, it may not merit the silence to which it has been relegated of late. The authors, who formed part of a research team on the subject, conclude that urban squatting is still very common today. The team found that most Latin American countries are amending their municipal, provincial and national legislation in this regard and backing programmes for consolidation and improvement. In a nutshell, they are adopting a more tolerant attitude toward squatting. The authors believe that the Guided Occupancy Programme successfully implemented by the city of Trujillo, Peru, for over a decade, constitutes an exemplary approach to the problem. While not necessarily constituting a universal solution, it can be viewed as a viable and reproducible alternative in situations of widespread poverty.


Author(s):  
Alfredo Michel Modenessi

The history of Shakespeare in Latin America spans roughly the same two hundred years as the region’s independent life. Throughout, his works have been the object of performance, translation, and adaptation more than of academic study and discussion. This essay offers a comprehensive framework for application to future work on the subject of Shakespeare performance in Latin America. The chief theoretical tools undepinning the essay are Haroldo de Campos and Silviano Santiago’s elaborations on ‘transcreation’, ‘cultural anthropophagy’, and ‘in-betweenness’. To outline significant common factors among Shakespeare performances in Latin America’s twenty Spanish-speaking nations, the chapter discusses two examples in depth: the first, a simple but powerful Mexican adaptation called Mendoza (2011); the second, an Italian documentary of a Cuban performance called Shakespeare in Avana: Altri Romeo, Altre Giuliette (2010). These analyses suggest the strengths of other Latin American acts of performance based on the complex phenomenon called Shakespeare.


2015 ◽  
Vol 23 ◽  
pp. 104 ◽  
Author(s):  
Camelia Tigau ◽  
Bernardo Bolaños Guerra

This paper examines the relationship between skills prices (wage premiums) and inequality in migrant sending countries (mainly from Latin America) and explores the implications for education policies. Most of the evidence is based on the case of Mexico, a Latin American country that is also an Organisation for Economic Co‑operation and Development (OECD) member. Despite the belief that Latin American countries tend to pay less for their skilled workers than developed countries, they invest a considerable amount of their Gross Domestic Product (GDP) in education and sometimes in scholarships abroad. Therefore, our main question is: Are skill prices really so proportionately low in Latin America?  Likewise, what are the impacts of skills prices on migration in Latin America, and Mexico in particular? And, what is the importance of “brain drain” in terms of the relationship between migration and education? We find that despite the enormous inequality in the region, skills prices are not low. Furthermore, high expenditures on education combined with low skills prices do not necessarily result in brain drain. Other factors, such as perceptions of insecurity and corruption, have a stronger effect on the migration of Mexican professionals. Likewise, although high skills prices may lead to economic development, they may also increase social inequality, leading to greater brain drain. Therefore, the expansion of higher education is recommendable even if it reduces salaries and wage premiums in the short term. 


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