Opening a Political Opportunity for Women in China

Author(s):  
Marco Jose Salgado

Currently, feminist activists in China face significant political and cultural barriers to achieving gender equality. These activists require that a political opportunity develop allowing them fundamentally alter the barriers impeding their progress. In this essay, I examine the works of several prominent feminist theorists to cultivate a solution for this problem and apply these findings to the current political and social contexts of China. I propose that a unification of global feminism, transnational feminism, and local feminism is a necessity to properly develop the political opportunity window in China. Transnational feminism must act as a bridge between the isolated local feminists within the country and the academic-based constituency of global feminism. Transnational activists have to integrate the teachings of global feminists theorists into their efforts to aid the Chinese feminists. This methodological framework unites global feminists theories, intersectional analysis, human rights framing, and mobilizing structures to bolster the influence of women’s activists in China, despite oppressive conditions. Finally, I examine several alternative theoretical perspectives and explain why each was not utilized or is not applicable to this situation.

Criminal Law ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 1-31
Author(s):  
Michael J. Allen ◽  
Ian Edwards

Course-focused and comprehensive, the Textbook on series provides an accessible overview of the key areas on the law curriculum. This introductory chapter answers the following questions: What is a crime? What purpose or function does the criminal law serve? What reasons are there for the criminalisation of some types of conduct? What are the purposes of punishment? What are the political and social contexts in which criminal law operates? The chapter provides an overview of key aspects of the criminal process, including mode of trial, the decision to prosecute, the burden and standard of proof, the functions of judge and jury, and sentencing. It also examines briefly discusses the impact of the European Convention on Human Rights on English law.


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 258-275
Author(s):  
Fatma Yusuf Eko Suwarno

Nepal has faced high rates of woman trafficking to India for a long time. Various efforts were made but the rate did not decrease. This article intended to examine this phenomenon by examining the transnational feminist network (TFN), such as The Global Alliance Against Women Trafficking (GAAWT). GAAWT focuses on changes in the political, economic, social, legal system and structures related to the practice of trafficking in women by using a human rights approach to people who are regulated, non-discriminatory, uphold equality and uphold the principles of accountability, participation, and inclusiveness in the methodology, organizational structure and procedures. This study utilizes qualitative methods and transnational feminism theoretical framework. The result shows that GAAWT TFN has played a role in overcoming the issue of trafficking of Nepalese women to India by voicing the human rights of women in Nepal with a human rights approach. Even so, the trafficking of Nepalese women to India is still high. Therefore, evaluating approaches that pay attention to cultural aspects as well as various political identities at play can increase the effectiveness of TFN.


Author(s):  
Christina Kiel ◽  
Jamie Campbell

Intergovernmental organizations (IGOs) and international institutions have proliferated since the end of World War II. This development has changed the landscape of international relations not only for states, but also for nongovernmental organizations and social movements. The advocacy of international nongovernmental organizations (INGO) plays a central role in pushing IGOs and their member states toward action. INGOs’ success in doing so depends on a number of factors, opportunity prime among them. Political opportunity structures (the institutional arrangements and resources available for political and social mobilization) determine lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) INGO access to power holders and thus their chances of bringing their concerns, and possible solutions to those concerns, to IGOs. The opportunity structures vary significantly from one IGO to the next. For example, the political opportunity structure offered by the European Union (EU) has been favorable to LGBT activism, while the United Nations is much less open to comprehensive inclusion of LGBT and sexual orientation, gender identity, and expression (SOGIE) human rights. As LGBT issues move onto an IGO’s agenda, a symbiotic relationship develops between the IGO and advocacy organizations. The changing opportunity structures influence NGOs’ structure, strategy, and resource mobilization. Coordination between advocacy groups with similar goals becomes easier when many organizations have physical offices at IGOs. For diplomats and bureaucrats working at the IGO or national representative offices, INGOs can be beneficial, too. In particular, advocacy organizations are experts and purveyors of information. However, the interdependence between INGOs and IGOs has the potential of silencing voices that do not neatly fit into the internationalist, liberal rights-based discourse. Besides the political opportunity structures in IGOs, the frames INGOs use to advocate for issues have been found to be essential for campaign success. One tactic that often constitutes successful framing is the grafting of issues to existing norms. In the LGBT context, the frames proposed by activists include human rights, health (specifically HIV­-AIDS), and women and gender. International institutions assure that similar issues will be politicized in multiple countries. In order to meaningfully affect domestic populations, the policy needs to translate to the local level through norm diffusion. The mechanisms of diffusion include material inducement (e.g., conditions for membership), learning, and acculturation and socialization.


2017 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 167
Author(s):  
Dede Husni Mubarok ◽  
Alief Akbar Musaddad

When the New Order regime fell, demands or aspirations for the formalization of Islamic law in Indonesia were intensively voiced by a group of Muslims, both through the political process and in interactions in the public sphere. However, other secular and Muslim groups are worried about the formalization of Islamic law because many provisions in sharia are considered inconsistent with the pillars of democracy and human rights, such as freedom, gender equality, equality of citizenship, and tolerance. The two seemingly contradictory poles are interesting to study through etymological and terminological approaches to the terms of the Shari’ah in the correlational interpretations of the Qur’an and Sunnah texts and the dynamics of their historical meanings so that it will give birth to the image of Islamic Shari’ah which is friendly, full of peace, and respect for human rights. Therefore, Islamic law, which is flexible, elastic, tolerant, and inclusive, can substantially be applied in the midst of multicultural, multi-religious, and multi-ethnic social realities in the context of upholding democracy and respecting human rights.


Author(s):  
Souad T. Ali

Mariama Ba was a renowned feminist, author, and advocate for women’s rights in her home country of Senegal, Africa, and globally. After attending and thriving at the French École Normale postsecondary school for girls, Ba became a teacher and education inspector for many years. Ba went on to write two novels: So Long a Letter, originally published in 1979, and Scarlet Song, published in 1981. Both novels are critical of polygamy in African life and examine the various ways in which women deal with similar situations, celebrate sisterhood, and demonstrate that there is no right or wrong way to be a feminist. Mariama Ba’s texts demonstrate clear criticism of the polygamous society she grew up in and the abuse of religion by some men to further their agenda. Ba’s essay, “The Political Functions of Written African Literatures,” describes her belief that a writer should be political and serve as a critic of surrounding society and misogynist practices. Mariama Ba’s personal life clearly influenced her written works, a topic that has been thoroughly examined in much of the scholarly literature that has been written about her. Ba did not try to define feminism. Rather, she understood that it is different for every woman and is a reflection of background, culture, history, and religion. Ba believed it was her mission as a writer to be a voice for the most vulnerable members of society. Ba was a leader in emerging global feminism and created written works that discussed topics that cross cultural barriers and demonstrate the unity of humanity.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-33
Author(s):  
Michael J. Allen ◽  
Ian Edwards

Course-focused and contextual, Criminal Law provides a succinct overview of the key areas on the law curriculum balanced with thought-provoking contextual discussion. This introductory chapter answers the following questions: What is a crime? What purpose or function does the criminal law serve? What reasons are there for the criminalisation of some types of conduct? What are the purposes of punishment? What are the political and social contexts in which criminal law operates? The chapter provides an overview of key aspects of the criminal process, including mode of trial, the decision to prosecute, the burden and standard of proof, the functions of judge and jury, and sentencing. It also examines briefly the impact of the European Convention on Human Rights on English law.


Author(s):  
Mona Lena Krook

Chapter 9 argues that violence against women in politics is not simply a gendered version of already-recognized forms of political violence. Rather, it constitutes a distinct phenomenon that specifically aims to exclude women as women from the political sphere. Rather than being an incidental feature, gender is central to the logic of violence, shaping its origins, manifestations, and outcomes. The chapter elaborates on this distinction by proposing that violence against women in politics originates in structural violence against women, is manifested through cultural violence against women, and results in symbolic violence against women. This distinction means that violence against women in politics poses threats to democracy, human rights, and gender equality.


Author(s):  
Balázs Trencsényi ◽  
Michal Kopeček ◽  
Luka Lisjak Gabrijelčič ◽  
Maria Falina ◽  
Mónika Baár ◽  
...  

The evolution of dissident political thought had markedly different dynamics in different countries. In the satellites the dissidents represented a key component of the emerging “democratic opposition” focusing on human rights. The discourse of human rights gave to the henceforth fractured opposition groups a unifying language to voice their criticism, yet it did not erase the deep fissures among them. The contradiction between the doctrine of human rights accompanied by a drive toward consensual politics and the rhetoric of anti-communism was mirrored by the growing rift between the project of civic or critical patriotism and the utilization of the notion of ethnocultural nationhood. Moreover, in the 1980s, new issues opened up such as religious freedom, economic liberalization, environmental pollution, or gender equality, foreshadowing the political differentiation of the post-oppositional spectrum after the democratic turns of 1989/91.


Somatechnics ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 185-200
Author(s):  
Natalie Kouri-Towe

In 2015, Queers Against Israeli Apartheid Toronto (QuAIA Toronto) announced that it was retiring. This article examines the challenges of queer solidarity through a reflection on the dynamics between desire, attachment and adaptation in political activism. Tracing the origins and sites of contestation over QuAIA Toronto's participation in the Toronto Pride parade, I ask: what does it mean for a group to fashion its own end? Throughout, I interrogate how gestures of solidarity risk reinforcing the very systems that activists desire to resist. I begin by situating contemporary queer activism in the ideological and temporal frameworks of neoliberalism and homonationalism. Next, I turn to the attempts to ban QuAIA Toronto and the term ‘Israeli apartheid’ from the Pride parade to examine the relationship between nationalism and sexual citizenship. Lastly, I examine how the terms of sexual rights discourse require visible sexual subjects to make individual rights claims, and weighing this risk against political strategy, I highlight how queer solidarities are caught in a paradox symptomatic of our times: neoliberalism has commodified human rights discourses and instrumentalised sexualities to serve the interests of hegemonic power and obfuscate state violence. Thinking through the strategies that worked and failed in QuAIA Toronto's seven years of organising, I frame the paper though a proposal to consider political death as a productive possibility for social movement survival in the 21stcentury.


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