scholarly journals Russia and the European Union: sociological notes on the role of culture and prospects for dialogue

2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Irina Leskova ◽  
Galina Osadchaya ◽  
Tatʹyana Yudina
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Cultural Policy ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
Practical Interest ◽  
Strategic Partnership ◽  
Strategic Culture ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Economic Market ◽  
Member States

The dialogue between Russia and the European Union is a relationship between two major geopolitical actors, which has never been unambiguous and simple in history, although it is due to the proximity of the geographical location and mutual interest in long-term cooperation. The EU’s cultural policy is quite pragmatic, in comparison with the significance of the factors of the economic space and the presence of the Euro zone, culture is not considered by Europeans as a binding factor in the development of the two countries. In order to enter the common European economic market, States are forced to apply for participation in cultural programs and grants funded by the EU. The article emphasizes the idea that any attempts to block the development of national cultures will inevitably lead to conflicts. Only through culture is it possible to achieve true self-expression of each nation and dialogue among civilizations. The concept of «strategic culture» is considered as a tool of analysis and a way of knowledge, and identity and national character as a predisposition to a certain type of policy. As part of the study of strategic culture, the analysis of national ideology is of great practical interest. At the governmental level, Russia and the European Union follow the course of a long-term strategic partnership, primarily in the fields of culture, education, science, and the humanitarian sphere. Large-scale challenges and the ongoing systemic transformation of the European Union add politicization and uncertainty to Russian-European relations. At the same time, cultural, scientific and humanitarian ties are seen as promising, and the Russian-European dialogue in the field of culture will promote and stimulate the expansion of Russia’s cooperation with both EU member States and the EEU member States. The article examines the cultural policy and cultural diplomacy of the European Union. It is proved that full-fledged cooperation between Russia and the European Union is possible only within the framework of a common humanitarian space – a value-ideological communication environment determined by equal and mutual respect of the participants and the nature of the relationship between the ideologies of independent international actors, excluding unilateral ideological expansion of any of the parties.

Unfolding the case of returnees: How the European Union and its member States are addressing the return of foreign fighters and their families

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-23
Author(s):  
Carlota Rigotti ◽  
Júlia Zomignani Barboza
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Perceived Threat ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Security Threat ◽  
Short Term ◽  
Member States ◽  
Foreign Fighters ◽  
Term Response

Abstract The return of foreign fighters and their families to the European Union has mostly been considered a security threat by member States, which consequently adopt repressive measures aimed at providing an immediate, short-term response to this perceived threat. In addition to this strong-arm approach, reintegration strategies have also been used to prevent returnees from falling back into terrorism and to break down barriers of hostility between citizens in the long term. Amidst these different strategies, this paper seeks to identify which methods are most desirable for handling returnees.

Lithuania and the European Union

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ramūnas Vilpišauskas
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Public Support ◽  
Political Support ◽  
Strategic Partnership ◽  
Coalition Building ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Member States ◽  
Per Capita ◽  
The Eu

For Lithuania, the geopolitical motive to join the European Union (EU) in order to prevent a repetition of the 1940s occupation has been as important as a motive to “return to Europe.” This motivation to become part of the West led the country’s political elites to conceptualize accession into the EU as an important part of the transition reforms which were expected to modernize Lithuania’s economy, public administration, and governance as well as contribute to the country’s security and create conditions for economic catching up. Membership in the EU, accession into NATO, and good neighborly relations became the three cornerstones of Lithuania’s foreign policy since the early 1990s and enjoyed broad political support. It was this support that arguably allowed for the maintenance of political and administrative mobilization and consistency of preparations for the membership during the pre-accession process. Public support for the EU membership remained above the EU average since accession in 2004. Around the time of accession, a new concept of Lithuania as “a regional leader” was formulated by the core of the nation’s foreign policy makers. The concept of a regional leader implied active efforts of mediating between Eastern neighbors and the EU, often in coordination with Poland, which was driven by the desire to stabilize the Eastern neighborhood and advance relations between Eastern neighbors and the EU and NATO. Although coalition building within the EU has been fluctuating between a strategic partnership with Poland and Baltic-Nordic cooperation, also most recently the New Hanseatic league, attention to the Eastern neighborhood and geopolitical concerns originating from perceived aggressive Russian policies remained a defining characteristic of the country’s European policy independent of personalities and political parties, which have been at the forefront of policy making. Completion of integration into the EU, in particular in the fields of energy and transport, as well as dealing with “leftovers” from accession into the EU, such as joining the Schengen area and the euro zone, became the other priorities since 2004. Lithuania has been one of the fastest converging countries in the EU in terms of GDP per capita since its accession. However, membership in the EU Single Market also had controversial side effects. Relatively large flows of emigrants to other EU member states generated political debates about the quality of governance in Lithuania and its long-term demographic trends such as a decreasing and aging population. Introduction of the euro in 2015 was perceived by the public as the main factor behind price rises, making inflation the most important public issue in 2016–2018. High per capita income growth rates as well as the prospect of the United Kingdom exiting the EU triggered discussions about excessive dependency on EU funding, the potential effects of its decline after 2020, and sources of economic growth. There are increasingly divergent opinions regarding further deepening of integration within the EU, especially in regard to alignment of member states’ foreign and security policies as well as tax harmonization. Still, membership in the EU is rarely questioned, even by those who oppose further integration and advocate a “Europe of nations.”

scholarly journals Strategic Partnership between the European Union and Brazil

2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 59-70
Author(s):  
Kitti Füzesi
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Strategic Partnership ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Member States ◽  
Energy Cooperation ◽  
The Past ◽  
High Level ◽  
The Eu

The EU–Brazil Strategic Partnership established in 2007 was the result of a long process. Within the framework of the Strategic Partnership the negotiations were carried out in three levels, between the Union and Brazil, the EU and Mercosur, and Brazil and the Member States of the Union. From the several important objectives specified at the yearly organised high-level summits the paper emphasises two areas, the economic and trade cooperation, and the energy cooperation. In the past thirteen years significant improvement could be experienced in both sectors.

scholarly journals Circular economy performance of EMAS organizations in Poland based on an analysis of environmental statements

2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 536-547 ◽  
Author(s):  
Agnieszka Janik ◽  
Marek Szafraniec
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Linear Model ◽  
Circular Economy ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Member States ◽  
Easy Task ◽  
The Future ◽  
Micro Level ◽  
The Eu

Abstract The transition from the linear model to the circular economy (CE) model is not an easy task and it requires constant monitoring of the achieved effects. Taking this fact into consideration, in January 2018 the European Union (EU) set 10 indicators to monitor and evaluate the main elements of the circular economy in the EU and its Member States. The list of indicators is short and it is based on the use of current available data. The monitoring results are intended to constitute the basis for setting new priorities towards the long-term goal of the circular economy. In case of companies there is still no framework for monitoring the effects of circular economy at micro level. In practice, various indicators for circularity assessment at micro level are available, but each of the indicators evaluates the complexity of circular economy to different extent. For this reason, there is a need to create a framework for monitoring the circular economy at company level, which would also be based on information already collected by the companies for the preparation of various environmental reports. Therefore, this article presents the results of review 66 environmental statements, which are prepared and updated annually by organizations participating in the Eco-Management and Audit Scheme (EMAS) system in Poland. On this basis, it was determined what circular economy information are already collected and reported by the companies and which information can be included in the framework of circular economy monitoring at company level in the future.

scholarly journals Besteuerung digitaler Unternehmen – die schwierige Suche nach einem europäischen Ansatz

IG ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 43 (3) ◽  
pp. 169-185
Author(s):  
Daniel Klein ◽  
Christopher Ludwig ◽  
Christoph Spengel
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
European Commission ◽  
The European Union ◽  
European Level ◽  
Tax Reforms ◽  
Member States ◽  
Digital Services ◽  
Permanent Establishment ◽  
Interim Measure

In March 2018, the European Commission introduced two Directive proposals to target tax challenges in the era of digitalization. The first Directive proposal suggests to introduce a digital services tax of 3 percent on gross revenues from digital services as an interim measure. The second one proposes as a long-term solution to extend the permanent establishment concept to create a virtual permanent establishment if a corporation has a “significant digital presence” in a country. So far, a lack of consensus among the member states of the European Union has made successful legislation on the European level unlikely. Despite the absence of an intra-community agreement, several member states have implemented the Directive proposal of a digital services tax with various adaptions unilaterally. These actions contradict the efforts to develop agreeable tax reforms on a multilateral level. The article at hand critically evaluates the current European reform proposals.

scholarly journals A Comprehensive Analysis of Public and Private Funding for Photovoltaics Research and Development in the European Union, Norway, and Turkey

Energies ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (11) ◽  
pp. 2743 ◽  
Author(s):  
Juan Francisco De Negri ◽  
Simon Pezzutto ◽  
Sonia Gantioler ◽  
David Moser ◽  
Wolfram Sparber
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Research And Development ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
Private Investment ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Private Funding ◽  
Member States ◽  
Horizon 2020 ◽  
European Investment ◽  
National Budgets

This study aimed to examine the financing of photovoltaics research and development by analyzing funding from public (European Union and national budgets) and private sources (enterprises), Strategic Energy Technology Plan participating countries being the main focus (European Union Member States plus Norway and Turkey). In the coming years, photovoltaics are expected to heavily contribute towards the achievement of audacious climate and energy objectives. Continuous monitoring of the effects is of great importance to assess a course of action taken at such a large scale. It will be revealed that the distribution of funding provided by national budgets highly concentrates on a few Member States, which is part of a general trend in Research and Development within Europe. Approximately 85% of the current European investment provided by the EU budget is administered in the framework of the Horizon 2020 (2014–2020) program; private investment behaves differently. The European photovoltaics manufacturing market has been obliterated by low-budget imported goods. A major characteristic is that the remaining companies are almost exclusively privately held. Gathering data has consequently been a challenge, as opposed to the readily available public datasets.

Sharing Is Caring? Exploring the Relationship Between Preferences for Online Participation and Support for Solidarity Between EU Member States

2019 ◽  
Vol 63 (4) ◽  
pp. 523-537
Author(s):  
Verena K. Brändle ◽  
Olga Eisele
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Social Inclusion ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
Public Support ◽  
Burden Sharing ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Online Participation ◽  
Member States ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
Eu Member States

The article explores the influence of online participation on individual-level support for burden-sharing measures among EU member states. The analysis is set against the backdrop of the discussion about solidarity in times of EU crises and follows an innovative approach by operationalizing social inclusion in the European Union via online participation. It is argued that the specific nature of the European Union favors the use of online channels for political information and participation, but that despite its inclusive potential, online participation does not necessarily mean public support for the European Union. Instead, we hypothesize that people who make more use of online participation channels—thus are supposedly better equipped to participate in EU politics—are more critical in their evaluation of burden-sharing measures. Based on a large-scale survey among EU citizens in late 2016, we conduct a regression analysis taking into account the influence of EU support and general considerations on solidarity. Results lend support to our hypothesis that people who participate in political affairs online do not express greater support for EU burden-sharing measures but are more critical. Results are interpreted as an expression of the constraining dissensus regarding EU politics: Negative effects are read as criticism of how solidarity in the European Union is implemented, not as opposition to solidarity in the European Union as such.

scholarly journals The fragility of an independent judiciary: Lessons from Hungary and Poland—and the European Union

2018 ◽  
Vol 51 (3) ◽  
pp. 189-200 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kriszta Kovács ◽  
Kim Lane Scheppele
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Constitutional Courts ◽  
Member States ◽  
Independent Judiciary ◽  
Court Of Justice ◽  
Political Forces ◽  
Independent Institutions

When the European Union was founded, it was assumed that all Member States admitted as consolidated democracies would maintain their constitutional commitments. In recent years, Hungary and Poland have challenged this premise as elected autocratic governments in those countries have captured independent institutions and threatened long-term democracy. The judiciaries of these countries have been hard hit. In this paper, we trace what has happened to the judiciaries in Hungary and Poland, showing how first the constitutional courts and then the ordinary judiciary have been brought under the control of political forces so that there is no longer a separation of law and politics.We also explore why the European Union has so far not been able to stop this process. In the end, the European judiciary, particularly the Court of Justice, is attempting a rescue of national judiciaries, but the results are so far unclear.

Accountability

2020 ◽  
pp. 144-175
Author(s):  
Pavlos Eleftheriadis
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Separation Of Powers ◽  
Fundamental Principle ◽  
Legal Framework ◽  
Federal State ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Member States ◽  
Multilateral Cooperation ◽  
Institutional Architecture

Accountability is the most fundamental principle of the European Union. By offering practical assurance that agreements will be enforced, that the Union’s institutions will not go beyond their enumerated powers and the division of competences will be respected by all, the Union’s legal framework makes long-term multilateral cooperation possible. However, the European Union does not follow the pattern of accountability through the separation of powers in the way of a federal state. The distinction between the legislature, the executive, and the judiciary does not work in the same way because of the role played by the member states. Many important decisions are made by the states’ institutions, not the Union’s institutions. The institutional architecture of the European Union is thus unfamiliar. It is impossible to compare it to that of a constitution. The European Union is divided between the institutions of the EU and the institutions of the member states. The fragmentation of accountability in the European Union among the EU’s institutions and the various member states (in various combinations, e.g. the members of the Eurozone) is a principled position. It does not mean that the relations between the states and the Union are unregulated or merely transactional.

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