scholarly journals Ripple effect, driving branch, and economic development: case of the agro-food industry in Côte d’Ivoire

2021 ◽  
Vol 51 (7) ◽  
Author(s):  
Noufou Coulibaly ◽  
Siaka Kone ◽  
Gboko Kouamé Casimir ◽  
Kama Berte ◽  
Yapo Magloire Yapi
Keyword(s):  
Development Strategy ◽  
Cote D'ivoire ◽  
Food Industry ◽  
Côte D’Ivoire ◽  
Agricultural Sector ◽  
Ripple Effect ◽  
National Accounts ◽  
Cote D’Ivoire ◽  
Côte D'ivoire ◽  
The Government

ABSTRACT: In Côte d’Ivoire, agricultural development has been made possible by the Government strategy to support it through an industrialization-based policy. However, the agricultural sector is still facing many difficulties, despite significant investment efforts undertaken to turn the country into a significant agricultural and agro-food industry (AFI) products exporter on the international market. This study evaluated the effectiveness of the driving role of AFI branches in the Ivorian economy. We used Leontief’s model, coupled with Diamond’s model and Rasmussen’s indices, to assess the ripple effects, and identify the driving branch in the Ivorian economy. Data used are derived from the Input-Output Table (IOT) of the 2018 National Accounts produced by the Government and aggregated into 21 branches or subsectors. Our study showed that there is no outstanding driving branch in the economy. However, some branches are close to compliance with driving branch status. For a driving sector to emerge, the Government should invest in priority order in the following branches: Grain Processing and Starchy Product Manufacturing (GPSPM), Cocoa & Coffee Processing (CCP), Oilseed Industry (OI), Dairy Industry and Fruit & Vegetable Industry (DIFVI), Beverage Industry (BI), Tobacco Industry (TI). And currently, the country’s development strategy should be based primarily on these branches, because they are able to improve the effectiveness and efficiency of production system in the Agro-Food Industry (AFI) and, by extension, the economy.

scholarly journals Agricultural Raw Materials and the Emergence of Agri-Food Industry in Côte d’Ivoire

2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 53
Author(s):  
Noufou Coulibaly ◽  
Yapi Yapo Magloire ◽  
Kone Siaka ◽  
Kouassi Yao Daniel Mardochée
Keyword(s):  
Cote D'ivoire ◽  
Côte D’Ivoire ◽  
Agricultural Sector ◽  
Raw Materials ◽  
Agricultural Products ◽  
Business Climate ◽  
Cote D’Ivoire ◽  
Food Industries ◽  
Côte D'ivoire ◽  
The Government

<p><em>The agricultural sector in Côte d’Ivoire still faces difficulties like, low modernization, low yield, low rate of processing, poor marketing, despite the government efforts in the Agri-Food Industries (AFIs). The purpose of this study was to assess if local agricultural products were sufficiently used as raw materials by the AFIs. The Leontief model was used to estimate vertical and horizontal coefficients, based on data from the 2013 employment resources table of the ivorian economy, in order to appreciate the dependence on raw materials supply, between agricultural sector, the AFIs and the international market. This study showed that, the ivorian AFIs were weakly dependent on the external market (20%). Despite the large supply capacity of the agricultural products (about 95%), very few were used as raw materials (5 to 15%) by agro-food industries because of the weak industrial fabric, due to several constraints as the hostile administrative and political environment and the lack of industrial culture. The processing rate was estimated at 5% for cashew, 15% for cocoa and coffee and less than 1% for food crops. We identified the determinants for the emergence of an efficient industrial fabric namely healthy business climate, a prerequisite for attracting domestic and international investors.</em><em></em></p>

Claiming Citizenship

2014 ◽  
Author(s):  
Frederick Cooper
Keyword(s):  
European Community ◽  
Cote D'ivoire ◽  
Côte D’Ivoire ◽  
Political Action ◽  
Political Leaders ◽  
Cote D’Ivoire ◽  
Côte D'ivoire ◽  
The Government ◽  
Different Levels

This chapter explores different instances of African claim making. It first looks at the effort of the Rassemblement Démocratique Africain (RDA) in the Sudan and especially the Côte d'Ivoire to build up its political apparatus across the territory and the efforts of the government to combat what it saw as a countergovernment. The chapter then turns to ways in which African political leaders sought to change the very terms in which future politics was discussed—to rethink the meaning of nation and sovereignty. They were thinking about different levels of political belonging and political action. And as France entered into discussion of creating a European community, they were thinking of expanding the idea of a “Franco-African” political ensemble into something even wider, into “Eurafrica.”

The State and Maritime Nationalism in Côte d'Ivoire

1994 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
pp. 215-245
Author(s):  
Okechukwu C. Iheduru
Keyword(s):  
Cote D'ivoire ◽  
Côte D’Ivoire ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Open Door ◽  
Political Class ◽  
Cote D’Ivoire ◽  
Dual Approach ◽  
Côte D'ivoire ◽  
The Government

Oneof the intriguing paradoxes of Côte d'Ivoire is that while the political class has become famous for its ‘open-door’ capitalism, the Government headed by Félix Houphouët-Boigny consistently heightened its rhetoric of ‘Ivoirianisation’ through which it purported to indigenise the economy. The fact is that capitalism controlled by foreigners has generally gained the upper hand with state connivance or approval. Where local capitalism exists, it is often spearheaded by the state as participant and competitor, rather than as a facilitator of indigenous enterprise. Shipping offers a good example of this dual approach, where the state became the vanguard of a vigorous national and regional drive for maritime independence, but at the same time pursued its self-declared ‘open-door’ strategy which ensured continued domination of the sector by foreigners.

scholarly journals How to Certify Learning in a Country Split into Two by a Civil War: Governmental and Non-Governmental Initiatives in Côte d'Ivoire, 2002–06

2007 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 191-209 ◽  
Author(s):  
Magali Chelpi-Den Hamer
Keyword(s):  
Cote D'ivoire ◽  
Côte D’Ivoire ◽  
Grey Literature ◽  
Cote D’Ivoire ◽  
The North ◽  
Côte D'ivoire ◽  
Displaced Children ◽  
Initial Work ◽  
The Government ◽  
Political Turmoil

Following political turmoil and rising socio-economic difficulties, Côte d'Ivoire has been split into two since September 2002. The rebellion controls the northern part of the country and the main towns of Bouaké, Korhogo and Man, while the government controls the southern part with Abidjan, Yamoussoukro, Daloa and all the ports in the coastal area. At the beginning of the war, civil servants who were in place in the north of the country were called back to Abidjan to be redeployed in government-controlled areas. These included many teachers and education officials, but not all, as some of them chose to stay in the war-affected areas to continue their initial work. This article focuses specifically on governmental and local non-governmental initiatives related to education which were put in place at the onset of the crisis. What type(s) of education have been offered to the children in war-affected areas and to the displaced children in government-controlled areas? What have been the difficulties of organizing national examinations in war-affected areas? How have educational attainments been certified on both sides? The study covers the period 2002–06, and is based on document analysis, grey literature collected on site and interviews with key informants.

scholarly journals Insurgent Nationalism: Political Imagination and Rupture in Côte d'Ivoire

2013 ◽  
Vol 48 (3) ◽  
pp. 3-31 ◽  
Author(s):  
Till Förster
Keyword(s):  
Cote D'ivoire ◽  
Côte D’Ivoire ◽  
The Other ◽  
Political Imagination ◽  
Cote D’Ivoire ◽  
Côte D'ivoire ◽  
The Government

Non-separatist insurgents unable to overthrow a sitting government often face a problem successful rebellions can avoid: They are not the only players who can claim to be acting on behalf of the nation. They will have to imagine the nation in a new way that distinguishes them from the older, established nationalism usually promoted by the existing government. This new nationalism aims to legitimise their actions, but first and foremost it has to be attractive to the population in the region under insurgent control and later to others as well. Each camp, the government and the insurgent side, articulates its understanding of the nation to the other side. In the process, both sides often also adopt different forms of imagination to render the specifics of their nationalism more visible to their followers as well as to partisans in the other camp. This article analyses this political articulation by taking Côte d'Ivoire as an example.

scholarly journals Les Contraintes Des Coopératives Dans Le Commerce De La Noix De La Cola À Bouaké (Côte d’Ivoire)

2018 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 68
Author(s):  
Djibli Vincent Dibi
Keyword(s):  
Cote D'ivoire ◽  
Côte D’Ivoire ◽  
Agricultural Sector ◽  
Foreign Currency ◽  
Direct Access ◽  
Agricultural Cooperatives ◽  
Sharp Decline ◽  
Cote D’Ivoire ◽  
Côte D'ivoire ◽  
Production Areas

This article is an attempt to understand and analyze the difficulties encountered by agricultural cooperatives in the marketing of cola nuts. Despite the considerable capital generated by this sector, many difficulties are hampering the agricultural sector, which results in a sharp decline in the profits of cooperatives and producers. For the members, this is due to the lack or little commitment of the Ivorian State to revitalize this promising sector as is the case with the coffee-cocoa pair. In fact, the fact that foreign traders have direct access to growers in their production areas without going through a central structure, in particular the wholesale marketBouake, weakens domestic traders. Similarly, this situation prevents the Ivorian export circuit of Cola from having a substantial tonnage and allowing the entry of foreign currency into the country. All this contributes to devalue the label of the cola nut produced in Cote d'Ivoire.

scholarly journals Quantitative impacts of basic income grant on income distribution in Cote d’Ivoire: Time to change our societies

1970 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 163-179
Author(s):  
Bédia François Aka
Keyword(s):  
Cote D'ivoire ◽  
Computable General Equilibrium ◽  
Côte D’Ivoire ◽  
Social Protection ◽  
Value Added ◽  
Basic Income ◽  
National Accounts ◽  
Political Debate ◽  
Cote D’Ivoire ◽  
Côte D'ivoire

This paper tries to engage the economic and political debate around the proposition of a basic income grant (BIG) in Côte d’Ivoire. We simulate the economic wide and distributional impact of a universal basic income grant (BIG) in Cote d’Ivoire. How the BIG is financed is investigated. We use a microsimulated computable general equilibrium (CGE) model to analyze the effects of a universal basic income grant on the economy and on households. The model is performed using a Côte d’Ivoire’s 2003 social accounting matrix (SAM) based on the 1998 household survey composed of 4,200 households, and 2003 national accounts data. The paper uses a value added tax (VAT) financing approach to provide a reasonable feasible scenario, as we are all consumers. The results suggest that the macroeconomic impacts of the basic income grant are a powerful social protection tool in fighting poverty and inequality towards a welfare state.

Dangerous Pursuits: Hunter Associations (Donzo Ton) and National Politics in Côte D'Ivoire

Africa ◽  
2003 ◽  
Vol 73 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-30 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas J. Bassett
Keyword(s):  
Cote D'ivoire ◽  
Rural Areas ◽  
Presidential Elections ◽  
Côte D’Ivoire ◽  
National Level ◽  
Social Worlds ◽  
National Politics ◽  
Cote D’Ivoire ◽  
Côte D'ivoire ◽  
The Government

AbstractThis article examines the resurgence of hunter associations (donzo ton) in Côte d'Ivoire during the 1990s in the context of game depletion, rising crime rates, and a dysfunctional state. Initiated hunters (donzow) are widely respected by the general public for their mystical powers and potent amulets which protect them from malevolent forces in the natural and social worlds. The donzow's success in reducing crime in northern rural areas led to an expansion of the dozon ton to the national level, as donzow were increasingly employed as private security guards in the country's major cities. The government and political parties also employed donzow to complement the police and gendarmes in maintaining order during the 1995 presidential elections. The attempt by politicians to manipulate the donzo ton during re-election campaigns was frustrated by the decentralised structure of the hunters' organisation and the diversity of its membership. Fearing that the donzo ton would become a politically destabilising force, successive governments have attempted to restrict its activities to the northern savanna region. The policy of containing the donzo ton to its so-called ‘original cultural hearth’ is discussed in the framework of the national cultural identity ideology of ivoirité and its xenophobic political manifestations around the 2000 presidential elections.

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