scholarly journals The Contagious Effects of Rural Violence: Social Pathologies and Injured Bodies in Blasco Ibáñez’s La barraca (The Cabin)

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Katharine Anne Murphy
Keyword(s):  
Rural Society ◽  
Social Protest ◽  
Late Nineteenth Century ◽  
Collective Violence ◽  
Social Injustice ◽  
Stagnant Water ◽  
Popular Resistance ◽  
Crowd Psychology ◽  
Women And Children ◽  
Social Protest Novels

Vicente Blasco Ibáñez’s La barraca (The Cabin, 1898) presents a vivid portrait of the struggles of the rural population of the Valencian huerta. When the local people prevent a plot of land from being cultivated as an act of popular resistance against the landowning class, the arrival of Batiste Borrull provokes a campaign of marginalisation and aggression against his family. The collective violence of the mob enacted by men, women and children is unleashed against his daughter Roseta, his sons, and finally five-year-old Pascualet, who is pushed into an irrigation ditch by hostile boys and contracts a fatal infection. The mounting brutality that culminates in the death of a young child becomes a powerful manifestation of social pathologies including rural primitivism, alcoholism and entrenched poverty. This article explores ideological and discursive contexts for the portrait of rural violence at the turn of the twentieth century, including class-based theories of degeneration and crowd psychology. It also examines the trope of stagnant water that courses through the plain as a symbol of contamination, echoing the moral sickness of rural society. Critics have argued that in his social protest novels, Blasco Ibáñez denounces the idle and degenerate bourgeoisie, following instead the anarchist and socialist argument that the vices of the proletariat are the result of capitalist exploitation (Fuentes 2009). By contrast, this article proposes that La barraca underscores the primitivism and pathological violence of the landless rural labourers, thereby reinforcing a bourgeois ideological foundation for the exposition of social injustice in late nineteenth-century Spain.

Popular Resistance in the Persianate World: Subalterns, Outlaws, and Radicals in the Long Nineteenth Century

2014 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 179-188
Author(s):  
Ranin Kazemi
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Social Networking ◽  
Social Protest ◽  
General Context ◽  
Popular Resistance ◽  
World Region ◽  
Grass Roots ◽  
The Social ◽  
Relations Of Power ◽  
Language And Ideology

This introduction provides a general context for the papers collected in the following symposium. Focused broadly on social protest and resistance in the eastern Islamic lands during the nineteenth century, these articles provide a rare glimpse of grass roots activism and unrest that were so common throughout this world region in a very momentous period of transition. The acts of resistance explained and analyzed here targeted the structure and relations of power that emerged after the advent of new capital and modern state formation. They also shared other common or comparable features in their specific forms and nature, the diversity of groups that participated in them, the social networking that made them possible, the strategies and tactics employed by actors on the ground, and ultimately the language and ideology of dissent.

Evangelist of Fragments: Doing Mite-Box Capitalism in the Late Nineteenth Century

2017 ◽  
Vol 86 (1) ◽  
pp. 86-119 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hillary Kaell
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
North America ◽  
Sensory Experience ◽  
Late Nineteenth Century ◽  
Social Policies ◽  
Women And Children ◽  
Late Nineteenth ◽  
Market Capitalism

A century ago, the mite box (penny collection box) was ubiquitous in North America as a religious fundraising tool, especially for women and children. Using the Methodist Woman's Foreign Missionary Society as a case study, I ask what these boxes reveal about the intersection of gender, consumerism, and capitalism from circa 1870–1930. By cutting across traditional Weberian and Marxist analyses, the discussion engages a more complex understanding of religion and capital that includes emotional attachments and material sensations. In particular, I argue that mite boxes clarify how systematic giving was institutionalized through practices that created an imaginative bridge between the immediacy of a sensory experience and the projections of social policies and prayers. They also demonstrate how objects became physical points of connection that materialized relationships that were meant to be present, but were not tangible. Last, they demonstrate the continued salience of older Christian ideas about blessings and sacrifice, even in an era normally associated with the secularization of market capitalism and philanthropy.

Labor Violence in Russia in the Late Nineteenth Century

Slavic Review ◽  
1982 ◽  
Vol 41 (3) ◽  
pp. 417-431 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel R. Brower
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Working Class ◽  
Social Stress ◽  
Late Nineteenth Century ◽  
Collective Violence ◽  
Factory Workers ◽  
Revolutionary Movement ◽  
Late Nineteenth ◽  
Labor Violence ◽  
Insight Into

Protest action accompanied by violence was widespread among Russian factory workers during the late nineteenth century. The phenomenon was noted by tsarist officials and radicals alike, but historians since then have paid little attention to the problem. This neglect has contributed to a distorted picture of the working-class movement and of the relations between Russian workers and factory and state authorities. In recent years it has become a truism to affirm that collective violence constitutes evidence of profound social stress. It is also true that the form and character of the violence in certain historical circumstances provide unique insight into the attitudes and expectations of groups, such as factory workers, otherwise unable to express their views. The violent actions of Russian workers are particularly important to an understanding of the origins of the revolutionary movement among the workers in the early twentieth century. What form did these actions take? Who were the participants, and what goals did they seek to attain? How did the incidence and nature of the actions change over the last decades of the century? Although the evidence is not abundant, answers to these questions suggest that collective violence played an important part in the working-class movement in the late nineteenth century.

‘Waging War on the Streets’: the Irish Women Patrol, 1914–22.

2014 ◽  
Vol 39 (154) ◽  
pp. 250-271 ◽  
Author(s):  
Senia Pašeta
Keyword(s):  
Equal Treatment ◽  
Late Nineteenth Century ◽  
World War ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
The First World War ◽  
Women Police ◽  
Women And Children ◽  
Employment Of Women ◽  
Female Officers ◽  
First World

Female activists across the United Kingdom had insisted from the late nineteenth century that the employment of women police who would deal with problems specific to women and children could help to address pressing social questions, or at least to offer women some protection within the entirely male criminal justice system. Their campaign for women police was connected to similar demands for the employment of female prison visitors and inspectors and, later, jurors and lawyers, and it was predicated on the idea that neither prisons nor courts afforded women fair and equal treatment under the law. Early victories included the appointment of police matrons and searchers, but the resistance of police authorities and most other civil servants to female officers remained solid into the early twentieth century, feminist campaigning notwithstanding. The outbreak of the First World War, however, provided an ideal context for renewed activism on the issue, not least because commentators across the British Isles predicted that the apparent inability of girls and young women to resist the lure of uniformed men would lead to outbreaks of war-induced sexual promiscuity and a decline in standards of public behaviour.

scholarly journals The People Demand Social Justice: The Social Protest in Israel as an Agoral Gathering

2018 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 31-45
Author(s):  
Leehu Zysberg
Keyword(s):  
Social Justice ◽  
Social Change ◽  
Mass Scale ◽  
Social Protest ◽  
The People ◽  
The Social ◽  
Social Theories ◽  
Crowd Psychology

Abstract The summer of 2011 has seen the first mass-scale social protest in Israel in its 70 years of existence. This social wave that shook the country, showed unique characteristics a-typical of most social and political uprisings, that go largely unexplained by social theories of social change and crowd psychology. In this article I am analyzing published reports of the social protest of 2011, and draw the analogy with the concept of ‘Agoral Gathering’ that may account for these events and support discussion of their aftermath.

Tasted

2018 ◽  
pp. 102-161
Author(s):  
Tricia Starks
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Civic Participation ◽  
Modern World ◽  
Late Nineteenth Century ◽  
Rapid Urbanization ◽  
Identity Creation ◽  
Imperial Expansion ◽  
Social Comfort ◽  
Women And Children ◽  
Late Nineteenth

Tobacconists advertised exotic blends created by imperial expansion to urban sophisticates urging them to choose certain brands as evidence of their cultivated palate. Preying upon a desire for mobility in a static society and creating visions of a world where people of all classes could ingest luxury, advertisers exploited users’ hopes for higher status, material prosperity, or social comfort. The rapid urbanization of the late nineteenth century created an ever larger audience for their messages. Literary examples and social pressures placed smoking in the center of identity creation and liberal values, making the habit attractive to women and children who saw the habit as a gateway to civic participation, maturity, and the modern world.

scholarly journals DU ROYAUME D'ABOMEY VERS LES RIVES DES AMERIQUES: APERÇU DES MEMOIRES CULTURELLES DE TROIS SIECLES DE CONTACTS [Cossi Zéphirin Daavo]

REPERTÓRIO ◽  
2010 ◽  
pp. 187
Author(s):  
Teatro & Dança Repertório
Keyword(s):  
Cultural Practices ◽  
Late Nineteenth Century ◽  
Contemporary World ◽  
Sont Encore ◽  
Cultural Alienation ◽  
Slave Traders ◽  
Women And Children ◽  
Late Nineteenth ◽  
Set Up ◽  
Artistic Heritage

<div>Pour satisfaire leurs ambitions de grandeur, les rois d’Abomey, du fondateur Houégbadja au dernier souverain Agoli-Agbo, ont étendu leur terriroir le plus loin que possible. Pour y parvenir, ils ont dû mené de fréquentes guerres au cour desquelles leurs soldats ramenaient des nombreux prisonniers. Une bonne partie de ces hommes, femmes et enfants capturés dans les villages et les hameaux des peuples mahi, nago et autres, ont été vendus comme esclaves aux négriers européens qui les vendront à leur tour au-delà des mers où ils seront condamnés aux travaux les plus durs. De même, un mécanisme des plus répressifs était mis en place par les maîtres pour amener ces esclaves à oublier leurs origines et leurs cultures. Mais cette entreprise d’aliénation culturelle a eu un impact limité sur les victimes qui ont su astucieusement conservé une bonne partie des héritages religieux et artistiques d’Afrique. La traite négrière a complètement cessé à la fi n du XIXème siècle, suite à ladestruction de la royauté d’Abomey par le colonisateur français. Mais les souvenirs sont encore présents aussi bien en Afrique que dans les amériques car, les descendants des paisibles villageois qui ont été capturés et vendus s’en souviennent, de la même manière que les arrières petits-fi ls des esclaves vendus dans les Amériques. Chez ces derniers, les pratiques culturelles actuelles portent toujours les marques des origines africaines. Ainsi, le devoir de mémoire est une nécessité pour les divers acteurs du sytème esclavagiste. Mais celui-ci devrait se muer en devoir de solidarité car, devenus des égaux, tous sont confrontés aux problèmes du monde contemporain qu’ils ne pourront surmonter qu’à travers un partenariat basé sur des actions concrètes.</div><div><br /></div><div><div><br />To satisfy their ambitions of grandeur, the kings of Abomey, through the founder Houégbadja the last ruler Agoli-Agbo, have extended their lands as far as possible. To achieve this, they had led to frequent wars in which their soldiers brought back many prisoners. Much of these men, women and children captured in the villages and hamlets, peoples Mahi, Nago, and others were sold as slaves to European slave traders who in turn sell them beyond the seas. Similarly, one of the most repressive mechanism was set up by the masters to bring the slaves to forget their origins and cultures. But this business of cultural alienation has had a limited impact on victims who have cleverly preserved a lot of religious and artistic heritage of Africa. The slave trade has completely ceased in the late nineteenth century, following the destruction of the kingdom of Abomey by the colonial French. But the memories are still present both in Africa and the Americas as the descendants of the peaceful villagers who were caught and sold recall, in the same manner as their great grand-sons sold as slaves sold in the Americas. Among these, the current cultural practices are always marks the african origins. Thus, the duty of memory is a necessity for the various actors of the slavery system. But it should be transformed into solidarity duty because of their becoming equal, make all of them face problems of the contemporary world that they can overcome only through a partnership based on concrete actions.</div></div>

Social Protest Novels in Management Education

2009 ◽  
Vol 33 (6) ◽  
pp. 659-675 ◽  
Author(s):  
James W. Westerman ◽  
Jennifer Hughes Westerman
Keyword(s):  
Management Education ◽  
Social Protest ◽  
Social Protest Novels
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