scholarly journals IMPROVEMENT OF GOVERNANCEBY THE TRADE UNION MOVEMENT IN THE REPUBLIC OF BASHKORTOSTAN

Author(s):  
I.G. Gavrilenko ◽  
◽  
N.V. Isaeva ◽  
Z.G. Zainasheva ◽  
E.V. Gabidullina ◽  
...  
1966 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 228-266
Author(s):  
T. B. Caldwell

The history of the Syndicat des Employés du Commerce et de l'Industrie is of interest both for its considerable success in organising clerical workers, who, in general, have been slow to recognise the value of trade unionism and on account of the dominant role it played in the history of the Christian trade-union movement in France. In 1920 the 30,000 clerical workers organised in the Fédération Française des Syndicats d'Employés Catholiques (which had developed from the SECI) accounted for nearly a third of the membership of the Confédération Française des Travailleurs Chrétiens. The SECI provided the new confederation with its chairman, Jules Zirnheld, its general secretary, Gaston Tessier and almost the whole of its secretariat; its principles, its attitudes, its methods exercised a powerful influence on the confederation until Tessier's retirement from the chairmanship in 1953. Although its action developed in the context of a growing body of official Catholic doctrine on social and industrial questions, from the Papal Encyclical Rerum Novarum of 1891 onwards, its approach was determined essentially by the pressure of the needs of its members; “practical organisation has always attracted it more than ideology” wrote its general secretary, Charles Viennet, in 1914. In serving these needs it was deflected neither by the traditionalism of René de la Tour du Pin and Albert de Mun, who envisaged a corporate organisation of masters and men which would recreate the mediaeval guilds, nor by the democracv of Marc Sanpriier. which, involving acceotance of the Revolution as well as the Republic, looked forward to a trade-union movement „strictly concerned with trade and industrial questions, democratic to the core and deeply respectful of all moral convictions” and therefore implied membership of a broadly-based, democratic Confédération Générale du Travail. Nevertheless, in solving its problems as they arose the SECI evolved, and in so doing it gave to the Christian confederation a tradition of evolution, which led it finally, in 1964, to the abandonment of its specifically religious character.


2021 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 35-49
Author(s):  
Vadim Damier ◽  

Many anarchists and anarcho-syndicalists in Spain generally welcomed the fall of the monarchy in April 1931, hoping that these changes would open the way for a more free development of the libertarian trade union movement and for anarchist agitation. However, the initial calculations of those who had pinned their hopes on the republic were quickly shaken. The policy of the republican governments was diametrically opposed to the ideas of the anarcho-syndicalists, and the repression of the authorities against the strike and protest movement led to the fact that the republic began to be perceived in the libertarian environment as a hostile regime. This contributed to the strengthening of internal divisions in the anarcho-syndicalist trade union association, the National Confederation of Labor (CNT), causing it to split into radical and moderate trends. The first of them, having won a victory, took a course towards the immediate accomplishment of the social revolution. The political and social regime of the Spanish Republic, in the view of the anarcho-syndicalists, was to be overthrown and replaced by the system of stateless libertarian communism, which was perceived as an alternative to the fascist threat. This article examines the stages and vicissitudes in the development of relations between the anarcho-syndicalist movement and the Spanish Republic in the period preceding the military-nationalist rebellion of July 1936, and analyzes the reasons and motives for the change in the positions of the CNT and anarchists.


Author(s):  
Tetiana PIKOVSKA

The economic development and political structure of Czechoslovakia after the end of the First World War are analyzed. The attention is focused on the peculiarities of the functioning of trade unions in the republic. Specific features of the trade union movement are defined - fragmentation and influence of political parties. The process of implementation by trade unions of its direct functions - mediation between large capital and workers, improvement of the status of employees - is highlighted.The methods of Czechoslovak trade unions' implementation of these functions are described, which can be divided into three groups: direct actions, instruments of social reconciliation, auxiliary measures. It is noted that the influence of trade unions during 1918-1924 as a speaker of the interests of the workers increased significantly. This is evidenced by the statistics of the won labor disputes and successful strikes of employees. However, the fragmentation of trade unions, which eventually intensified, did not allow a dialogue between the worker and the state more rational, which eventually led to a decrease in the intensity of the strike movement and a decrease in the level of trust in trade unions in the working environment.The main cause of this phenomenon was the disparity of the Czechoslovak society due to national, religious and political heterogeneity.


Author(s):  
Kenneth E. Parku ◽  
Yvonne Ayerki Lamptey

The practice of trade union pluralism at an enterprise level is seen as problematic for both the management of enterprises and the trade union movement. The problems arise from inter-union rivalries, competition and disputes over demarcations of privileges and rights. This article explores the practice of trade union pluralism at the enterprise level in Ghana with the aim of creating awareness of the effect of the practice on the general trade union movement. This qualitative study employed a cross-sectional design and used purposive and snowball sampling methods in selecting the participants. The data was analysed thematically. The findings from the study show that union pluralism is stimulating the decline in general union membership, the breakaway of local unions from the federations, and employers’ classification of workers based on their qualifications once they are employed by organisations, and their assignment to specific unions (automatic membership at enterprise level). It is suggested that employment laws encourage union breakaways, which weakens the unions especially at the enterprise level. It is recommended that the state, labour officials and policy-makers should enforce labour laws, especially regarding freedom of association, and consider revisiting or amending some labour laws to curb their abuse. The government and labour institutions need to work together to operationalise the implementation of legal provisions on freedom of association or consider amending the provisions to curb the existing abuse.


2021 ◽  
Vol 562 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-32
Author(s):  
Dariusz Zalewski

The analysis is based on interviews with four leaders of the Solidarity Trade Union (Lech Wałęsa, Marian Krzaklewski, Janusz Śniadek and Piotr Duda) with the simultaneous use of extensive research achievements on the trade union movement, also co-created by the author, The basic hypotheses that were examined concern the rooting of "Solidarity" "In the popular Catholic tradition and anti-communism, which, according to the author, significantly influenced the process of the evolution of" Solidarity "as a social movement and was / is an obstacle in its functioning as a trade union. The book's empirical material is unique, and the possibility of comparing the opinions and interpretations of various events related to the history and the present of the Association, presented by the interviewees, gives the book a unique character.


2020 ◽  
pp. 330-335
Author(s):  
Daniel Fignolé ◽  
Jacques Brutus

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