scholarly journals What would the political philosophers do? An exploration of ideological perspectives on ‘athlete-centered’ reform

2016 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 141
Author(s):  
Kadence Otto

In this paper I explore how the values inherent in the political philosophies of libertarianism, capitalism, utilitarianism, and egalitarianism are manifest in big-time college athletics reform which places athletes’ rights as its highest value. The initial intent of the paper focuses on the use of Marx and Engels’ dialectical materialism as a way of framing the historical relationship between the NCAA and the athletes. Next, I turn to the main thrust of the paper which is to utilize the ideological inquiry approach to explore the overarching values inherent in the perspectives of John Locke, Adam Smith, John Stuart Mill, and John Rawls in an attempt to see more clearly how their perspectives are manifest in ‘athlete-centered’ reform. Lastly, I put forth that, based on the values inherent in the perspectives of the political philosophers, ‘athlete-centered’ reform begins with liberty for the athlete, which is assured by right, just, and democratic institutions, and is secured by an athlete association.

Author(s):  
Alan Ryan

This chapter explains what liberalism is. It is easy to list famous liberals, but it is harder to say what they have in common. John Locke, Adam Smith, Montesquieu, Thomas Jefferson, John Stuart Mill, Lord Acton, T. H. Green, John Dewey, and contemporaries such as Isaiah Berlin and John Rawls are certainly liberals. However, they do not agree on issues such as the boundaries of toleration, the legitimacy of the welfare state, and the virtues of democracy. They do not even agree on the nature of the liberty they think liberals ought to seek. The chapter considers classical versus modern liberalism, the divide within liberal theory between liberalism and libertarianism, and liberal opposition to absolutism, religious authority, and capitalism. It also discusses liberalism as a theory for the individual, society, and the state.


2011 ◽  
Vol 12 (11) ◽  
pp. 1901-1940 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chava Schwebel

According to liberal political theorists, such as John Locke and Adam Smith, liberty and equality are competing values. In Canadian constitutional law, the commitment to liberal individualism has pushed questions of socio-economic rights from the constitutional sphere into the political one.


Author(s):  
Ian Harris

The standard modern view of Locke portrays him as a simulacrum of John Stuart Mill or John Rawls. This chapter decisively shifts the terms in which Locke is understood away from this standard view. It shows that with Locke religious worship is neither private nor optional, and is a matter of duty rather than right primarily — a duty prescribed by natural law. Natural law led Locke to jurisdiction, and, more precisely, to two corresponding jurisdictions, the eccesiastical and civil. The different ends implied in these two jurisdictions and the different ways in which they were established made church and state free from each other's direction. Worship is not tolerated by the state, for the state has no jurisdiction over it; rather, it is free. Conversely the state is required to coerce religious or irreligious groups, whether Roman Catholics or atheists, who undermine the possibility of independent civil and ecclesiastical jurisdictions.


2020 ◽  
Vol 81 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-64
Author(s):  
Jeffrey R. Wilson

Abstract When scholars consider Shakespeare’s rise and lasting popularity in modern culture, they usually tell us how he assumed his position at the head of the canon but not why. This essay contends that Shakespeare’s elevation in the early nineteenth century resulted from the confluence of his strategy as an author and the political commitments of his canonizers. Specifically, Shakespeare’s ironic mode made his drama uniquely appealing to the political liberals at the forefront of English culture. In their own ways, Shakespeare and his proponents were antiauthoritarian: the literary antiauthoritarianism in his drama (the irony granting audiences the freedom of interpretation) perfectly matched the political antiauthoritarianism (liberalism) advocated by the likes of Adam Smith and John Stuart Mill. Thus it is possible to speak of bardolatry as an allegorical intertext for liberal politics.


2019 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 31429
Author(s):  
Bruno Camilloto

Como estabelecer normas de convivência entre um indivíduo que crê em algum dogma de fé (religiosidade) e outro que não possui crença religiosa? O presente ensaio propõe que o conceito de liberdade seja o fundamento radical de uma sociedade plural. A partir de John Locke e John Stuart Mill se reconstrói o conceito de liberdade, expondo os principais argumentos do liberalismo clássico. Com John Rawls, a liberdade torna-se o primeiro princípio de justiça de uma sociedade bem-ordenada, fazendo parte da razão pública e de uma concepção política de justiça. Assim, defende-se a liberdade como condição necessária do pluralismo, ou seja, como fundamento radical de uma sociedade plural.


Author(s):  
David Boucher ◽  
Paul Kelly

This volume introduces a canon of major political thinkers from ancient Greece to the present, including Socrates and the Sophists, Plato, Aristotle, Augustine of Hippo, Hugo Grotius, John Locke, John Stuart Mill, Hannah Arendt, John Rawls, and Michel Foucault. The text focuses on the ways that these thinkers have shaped the intellectual architecture of our modern conceptions of the scope of politics and its place in social life. This introductory chapter discusses the origins of the study of political thought as a distinct activity and describes four sets of considerations that shape approaches to the study of political thought and help answer the question of why we should study it. It also analyses the problem of so-called perennial questions and the attempt to explain and defend what it is that makes a book a ‘classic’ text.


Episteme ◽  
2006 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 248-265 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Kelly

ABSTRACTAlthough John Stuart Mill places considerable emphasis on three information signalling devices – debate, votes and prices – he remains curiously sceptical about the prospects of institutional or social epistemology. In this paper, I explore Mill's modest scepticism about institutional epistemology and compare and contrast that with the attitudes of liberal theorists such as F. A. Hayek and John Dewey who are much more enthusiastic about the prospects of social epistemology as part of their defences of liberalism. The paper examines the extent to which Hayek and Dewey ignore concerns originally raised by Mill. I conclude that Mill's modest scepticism is reflected in the epistemological abstinence of contemporary liberal philosophers such as John Rawls, and that his elevation of philosophy over democracy remains a challenge to contemporary defenders of the political value of social or institutional epistemology.


Author(s):  
Caroline Franklin

This chapter studies the novels of sensibility in the 1780s. The philosophy of John Locke, Anthony Ashley Cooper, third Earl of Shaftesbury, Adam Smith, and Francis Hutcheson had influenced the first wave of epistolary novels of sensibility beginning in the 1740s. These explored the interaction between emotion and reason in producing moral actions. Response to stimuli was minutely examined, especially the relationship between the psychological and physiological manifestations of feelings. Later in the century, and, in particular during the late 1780s when the novel enjoyed a surge in popularity, the capacity for fine feeling became increasingly valued for its own sake rather than moralized. Ultimately, sensibility should be seen as a long-lasting literary movement rather than an ephemeral fashion. It put paternal authority and conventional modes of masculinity under question.


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