scholarly journals The State of Jordanian Women’s Organizations—Five Years Beyond the Arab Spring

2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 59-68 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter A. Ferguson
Keyword(s):  
Arab Spring ◽  
Women's Organizations ◽  
Political Liberalization ◽  
Primary Documents ◽  
The Status ◽  
International Donor ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Arab Spring ◽  
Electoral Law ◽  
Women’S Organizations

This paper explores the failure of women’s organizations to effect the improvement of the status of Jordanian women during the Arab Spring. Through an examination of the regime’s political liberalization strategy, leadership failures within women’s organizations, and international donor influence on programmatic focus, the underlying explanation for this failure is found to be rooted in the historical depoliticization of women in Jordan. This is tested in the context of the Arab Spring through an analysis of the results of popular protests, proposed electoral law reforms, and efforts to amend the Jordanian constitution. The paper draws in part on a large collection of interviews and a focus group conducted in Jordan during the spring/summer of 2012, as well as analysis of primary documents from the government and a variety of women’s organizations in Jordan.

Revolution

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nimer Sultany
Keyword(s):  
Arab Spring ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
Political Order ◽  
New Order ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Arab Spring

This chapter argues that revolution is not separate from the very discourse and arrangements it responds to. Rather, it is subsumed in a legitimation discourse, and it is engulfed by similar tensions. Although revolution may erupt because of a perceived legitimacy deficit, it does not solve the conceptual deficiency of legitimacy. This is because revolution vacillates between an event that inaugurated it and a process that seeks to complete it. This duality makes revolution a contradictory concept that includes its own negation because different protagonists deploy it in contradictory ways. The very qualities that enable the designation of the Arab Spring as a revolution enable the counter-revolution. In other words, revolution does not provide a stable, unambiguous framework within which the new political order can be established. Consequently, the revolution’s attempt to delegitimate the status quo and legitimate the new order re-enacts the incoherence and instability of other legitimation devices.

Critical International Relations Theories and the Study of Arab Uprisings: A Critique

2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 111-150
Author(s):  
Ahmed M. Abozaid
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
Critical Theory ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Arab Spring ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
The Other ◽  
Arab Uprisings ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Arab Spring ◽  
Western Perspective

This study articulates that most of the critical theorists are still strikingly neglecting the study of the Arab Uprising(s) adequately. After almost a decade of the eruption of the so-called Arab Uprisings, the study claims that the volume of scholarly engaging of dominate Western International Relations (IR) theories with such unprecedented events is still substantially unpretentious. Likewise, and most importantly, the study also indicates that most of these theories, including the critical theory of IR (both Frankfurt and Habermasian versions), have discussed, engaged, analysed, and interpreted the Arab Spring (a term usually perceived to be orientalist, troubling, totally inappropriate and passive phenomenon) indicate a strong and durable egoistic Western perspective that emphasis on the preservation of the status quo and ensure the interests of Western and neoliberal elites, and the robustness of counter-revolutionary regimes. On the other hand, the writings and scholarships that reflexively engaged and represent the authentic Arab views, interests, and prospects were clearly demonstrating a strong and durable scarce, if not entirely missing. Keywords: International Relations, Critical Theory, Postcolonial, Arab Uprising(s), Middle East, Revolutions.

scholarly journals Penyuluhan Hukum tentang Tindak Pidana Korupsi kepada Badan Koordinator Organisasi Wanita Provinsi Kepulauan Riau

2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 145
Author(s):  
Heni Widiyani ◽  
Ayu Efritadewi ◽  
Elfa Oprasmani ◽  
Marisa Elsera ◽  
Muhammad Jova Febrianto
Keyword(s):  
Private Sector ◽  
Best Practice ◽  
Women's Organizations ◽  
Service Needs ◽  
Good Communication ◽  
Case Surgery ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Many ◽  
Women’S Organizations

AbstrakSaat ini banyak sekali terjadi kasus korupsi di pemerintahan maupun sektor swasta dilakukan oleh para lelaki yang sudah memiliki istri dan anak.Dengan adanya penyuluhan ini, diharapkan wanita khususnya anggota BKOW bisa menjadi pelopor dirumah tangga untuk membentuk keluarga anti korupsi baik kepada anak dan suami. Kegiatan pengabdian ini dilakukan dengan 4 metode yakni: ceramah, dialog, bedah kasus, dan best practice. Hasil dari kegiatan ini, peserta menjadi antusias, yang terlihat dari banyaknya pertanyan yang diajukan serta terbentuknya komunikasi yang baik. Pengabdian ini perlu dilanjutkan kembali, di organisasi-organisasi wanita lainnya agar penyampaian ini  mencakup banyak wanita aktif di kepulauan Riau.Kata Kunci: Penyuluhan Hukum, Korupsi, Organisasi Wanita.AbstractNowadays there are many cases of corruption in the government and private sector carried out by men who already have wives and children. With this counseling, it is hoped that women, especially BKOW members, can be pioneers in the household to form an anti-corruption family for both children and husbands. This devotional activity is carried out with 4 methods namely: lectures, dialogue, case surgery, and best practice. As a result of this activity, participants became enthusiastic, which was evident from the many questions raised as well as the formation of good communication. This service needs to be resumed, in other women's organizations in order for this delivery to include many active women in Riau islands.Keywords: Legal Counseling, Corruption, Women's Organizations.

scholarly journals Women’s organizations as a segment of civil society of modern Russia

2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 124-142
Author(s):  
Tatyana E. Lomova ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Women's Movement ◽  
Third Sector ◽  
Women's Organizations ◽  
Russian Society ◽  
Foreign Agent ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Status ◽  
Charity Work ◽  
Women’S Organizations

The article analyses women’s organizations of modern Russia as a component of civil society. The study is based on the gender approach and materials analyzed include statistical data, results of opinion polls, websites of women’s organizations, interviews and other documents. The women’s movement is considered as one of the social practices in the context of the theory of practices proposed by Pierre Bourdie, Robert Connell and others. The author notes that the peak of women’s activity in Russia was in the 1990s, when women were uniting to solve social problems, such as women’s unemployment, human trafficking, etc. During that time, the women’s movement in Russia was developing with the support of international women’s organizations and foreign charity funds, but after the adoption of the so-called law on “foreign agents” many funds suspended or limited their activities in Russia. As a result, nowadays, many Russian NGOs including women’s organizations are facing financial problems. NGOs recognized as a “foreign agent” experience the most difficulties while organizations with the status of socially oriented NGOs can receive government’s support and funding. Using the method of content analysis, the author revealed that names of Russian women’s organizations often include such words as “family”, “childhood”, and “motherhood”, whereas the words “woman”/“women” and ‘women’s’ are rarely used. This is due to the fact that in Russian society there are still widespread views that the range of women’s interests should be limited to the private sphere. At the same time, the gender theory and feminism are often presented as attempts to undermine national traditions. As a result, a woman is considered as an object of social policy rather than a subject of social processes. The majority of Russian women’s organizations focus on charity work, but specific women’s interests and problems are often ignored or undervalued. However, domestic violence, labour market discrimination, and other gender problems can be solved only through the close interaction of the “third sector”, business, and government.

scholarly journals Electoral Law Proposal for a Women’s Quota in the Lebanese Parliament

1970 ◽  
pp. 66-70
Author(s):  
Kamal Feghali
Keyword(s):  
Women's Organizations ◽  
Editorial Team ◽  
Parliamentary Committee ◽  
Electoral Law ◽  
Women’S Organizations

This article is an abridged version of the two electoral law proposals “Women Quota in the Lebanese Parliament” prepared by Kamal Feghali (pollster, election specialist, and head of The Bureau for Statistics and Documentation) in July 2008 upon the request of the Woman and Child Parliamentary Committee with the participation of several women’s organizations and associations. The editorial team of Al-Raida, and for the purpose of this issue, decided to translate and summarize the two draft laws to make them accessible to our readers.

The Response to Violence against Women in Liberia

2020 ◽  
pp. 73-88
Author(s):  
Peace A. Medie
Keyword(s):  
Criminal Justice ◽  
Sexual Violence ◽  
Violence Against Women ◽  
Women's Organizations ◽  
International Pressure ◽  
Post Conflict ◽  
The Government ◽  
Women’S Organizations

Chapter 4 covers how the government and women’s organizations in Liberia responded to violence against women. It explains that prior to the conflict, violence against women was largely absent from the agenda of governments and women’s organizations, despite their involvement in international advocacy around this issue. Both domestic and international pressure on governments was low during this period and specialized mechanisms to address VAW were non-existent in the criminal justice sector. The chapter describes how the 14-year conflict changed this and generated strong international and domestic pressures on post-conflict governments to strengthen the criminal justice sector response to violence against women, particularly sexual violence, and to establish specialized criminal justice sector mechanisms.

Searching a Political Solution for Syria

2017 ◽  
Vol 73 (2) ◽  
pp. 180-195 ◽  
Author(s):  
Saroj Kumar Rath
Keyword(s):  
Arab Spring ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Pull Out ◽  
Transition Mechanism ◽  
Viable Solution ◽  
The Us ◽  
New Interpretation ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Arab Spring ◽  
Middle East Policy

Syria’s sudden plunge into civil struggle is directly linked with United States’ Middle East policy. The 2011 pull-out of American troops from the smouldering provinces of Iraq and the subsequent refusal of the US to take sides in the ‘Arab Spring’ have weakened the incumbent governments and produced too many unsuitable civil claimants to rule ‘Arab Spring’-affected countries. The so-called US neutrality left a vacuum, which was filled by a swarm of Islamist extremists. The resultant internecine wars sparked by contending parties in Iraq, Syria and Yemen had taken these countries to the very verge of chaos. The outcome among other things included a revival of al-Qaeda, which was soon eclipsed by Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS), and an unending spiral of civil war in Syria, the major result of the anti-Western blowback. This article argues that the fight against extremist forces in Syria is doomed if there is absence of a strong, functional and acceptable government. Lasting peace under President Bashar al-Assad looks impossible but it is essential to have the core of Ba’athist regime in place in any transitional or post-transition mechanism. A new interpretation of political solution is required. Else, the state will collapse, which will only help the jihadists. Despite its limitations and challenges, federalisation of Syria and the establishment of a federal structure of the government, it seems, is the only viable solution.

scholarly journals THE IMPACT OF THE POST ARAB SPRING ON THE HUMAN RIGHTS IN SYRIA

2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 456-463
Author(s):  
Dakheelallah Alharbi ◽  
Zarina Othman ◽  
Sity Daud
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Arab Spring ◽  
Case Study Research ◽  
Economic Sectors ◽  
Descriptive Research ◽  
The Government ◽  
Almost All ◽  
The Arab Spring ◽  
The Impact

Purpose: The purpose of the study is to give an analysis of the humanitarian situation and the case of human rights in Syria after the events of the Arab spring. Methodology: This is analytical-descriptive research that has been done through literature review, content analysis, and documentary and case study research. Result: our results suggest that the Syrian government made false concessions designed to end the revolts. The occurrence led to the formation of a rebel group, the Free Syrian Army whose main objective was to oust the authoritarian regime and stop the killing of civilians. This marked the beginning of the blatant violation of human rights as well as the civil war in Syria. The government not only ignited but also took the war to its own people killing, injuring and imprisoning thousands of people. Worse still, thousands of women and young girls still suffer sexual violence during the nightly raids conducted frequently on either opposing camps. Following the massive violations of human rights, almost all economic sectors of Syria have met rock-bottom. Applications: This research can be used for policymakers and the international community to take a further step to aid the Syrian civilians. Novelty/Originality: In our research, we try to target a very much debated topic in the Middle East. Although several articles written about the humanitarian and human rights situation in Syria studies on human rights after the Arab spring is still lacking.

scholarly journals Women's Organizations in Egypt: Emerging Women's Movements or Social Clubs?

1970 ◽  
pp. 10-14
Author(s):  
Nadje S. Al-Ali
Keyword(s):  
Political Representation ◽  
Women's Organizations ◽  
Women's Movements ◽  
Huge Number ◽  
Social Clubs ◽  
International Donor ◽  
Laws And Policies ◽  
The One ◽  
Egyptian Government ◽  
Women’S Organizations

A close look at the content and context of women's organizations in contemporary Egypt sheds light on the ambiguities and contradictions existent in contemporary Egypt. On the one hand, women's organizations began to flourish since the 1985 UN women's conference in Nairobi, and particularly during the preparations for the International Conference on Population and Development (lCPD) held in Cairo in 1994. During this time there was increasing pressure on the Egyptian government by international organizations and western governments to adhere to UN conventions concerning women's rights. At the same time, a huge number of international donor organizations, NGOs and government bodies provided funds and resources for specific projects and campaigns related to women's issues. However, the increased confrontation with Islamists has pressured the Mubarak regime to legislate and implement more conservative laws and policies towards women and to diminish its support for women's political representation. It is no surprise then that women's organizations have been caught in the midst of contradictory state policies towards women and towards Egypt's growing NGO sector.

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