scholarly journals UKRAINIAN PUBLIC ORGANIZATIONS OF CANADA AS SUPPORTERS OF THE GREEK CATHOLIC CHURCH IN THE 1930es

2020 ◽  
pp. 83-87
Author(s):  
Olesia Dzyra
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Catholic Church ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Summer Camps ◽  
The Public ◽  
Catholic Faith ◽  
Political Events ◽  
The Social ◽  
Youth Centers ◽  
Cultural Sphere

In the interwar period of the twentieth century, the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church in Canada tried to expand its influence on the public life in the diaspora. To accomplish this task, it enlisted the support of the conservative Canadian Sitch association (reorganized into the United hetman organization in 1934). In its turn, it helped the Sitch in every possible way and provided the permission for the legal functioning of their organization from the Canadian authorities. The monarchists published the articles about their activities and tasks of the society in the pages of Greek Catholic newspapers, such as "Canadian Ukrainian", "Ukrainian News". However, in the 30s of the twentieth century Greek Catholics and monarchists have broken off their relations. Coming of the new bishop, Vasyl Ladyka, instead of Nikita Budka, who began to distance himself from the society in the 1930s, resulted in the creation of the Greek Catholic own organization, the Ukrainian Catholic brotherhood, in 1932. Now UCB had to defend their views before the public. In the religious sphere, the society spread the Catholic faith in the Ukrainian rite, together with priests created parishes, built churches, supported church institutions, organizations, and so on. In the cultural sphere, it founded and financed Ukrainian schools, evening courses and lectures on Ukrainian studies, held concerts, sports competitions, drama performances, built people`s homes, and so on. In the public field it organized orphanages, shelters, hospitals, summer camps for young people, youth centers and so on. Not so actively, but still the fraternity reacted on the political events in Ukraine and joined the general actions of the national patriotic bloc of the Ukrainian public associations in Canada in support of compatriots. As a result, Greek Catholics became more actively involved in the social and political life of the diaspora on equally with Orthodox and communists.

scholarly journals PRAISE OF THE CONVERT: BELIEVE AND BELONG FROM THE CATHOLICITY OF LATIN AMERICA

2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 327-339
Author(s):  
Felipe Gaytán Alcalá
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Public Space ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Catholic Church ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Religious Groups ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Social ◽  
The World ◽  
The Church

Latin America was considered for many years the main bastion of Catholicism in the world by the number of parishioners and the influence of the church in the social and political life of the región, but in recent times there has been a decrease in the catholicity index. This paper explores three variables that have modified the identity of Catholicism in Latin American countries. The first one refers to the conversion processes that have expanded the presence of Christian denominations, by analyzing the reasons that revolve around the sense of belonging that these communities offer and that prop up their expansion and growth. The second variable accounts for those Catholics who still belong to the Catholic Church but who in their practices and beliefs have incorporated other magical or esoteric scheme in the form of religious syncretisms, modifying their sense of being Catholics in the world. The third factor has a political reference and has to do with the concept of laicism, a concept that sets its objective, not only in the separation of the State from the Church, but for historical reasons in catholicity restraint in the public space which has led to the confinement of the Catholic to the private, leaving other religious groups to occupy that space.

The Samarin Family and the Parish Question in the Russian Empire. 1860s–1910s

2019 ◽  
Vol 54 ◽  
pp. 235-246
Author(s):  
Alexey L. Beglov
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
Public Discussion ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Social ◽  
Church Life ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
In The Beginning ◽  
The Church ◽  
Do So

The article examines the contribution of the representatives of the Samarin family to the development of the Parish issue in the Russian Empire in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. The issue of expanding the rights of the laity in the sphere of parish self-government was one of the most debated problems of Church life in that period. The public discussion was initiated by D.F. Samarin (1827-1901). He formulated the “social concept” of the parish and parish reform, based on Slavophile views on society and the Church. In the beginning of the twentieth century his eldest son F.D. Samarin who was a member of the Special Council on the development the Orthodox parish project in 1907, and as such developed the Slavophile concept of the parish. In 1915, A.D. Samarin, who took up the position of the Chief Procurator of the Most Holy Synod, tried to make his contribution to the cause of the parish reforms, but he failed to do so due to his resignation.

A successful person, society and civic activism

2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (10) ◽  
pp. 1800-1816
Author(s):  
G.B. Kozyreva ◽  
T.V. Morozova ◽  
R.V. Belaya
Keyword(s):  
Social Capital ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Public Confidence ◽  
Russian Society ◽  
The Public ◽  
Civic Activism ◽  
The Social ◽  
Human And Social Capital ◽  
Person Model ◽  
Social Disparity

Subject. The article provides considerations on the formation and development of a successful person model in the modern Russian society. Objectives. The study is an attempt to model a successful person in the Russian society, when the ideological subsystem of the institutional matrix is changing. Methods. The study relies upon the theory of institutional matrices by S. Kirdina, theories of human and social capital. We focus on the assumption viewing a person as a carrier of social capital, which conveys a success, socio-economic position, social status, civic activism, doing good to your family and the public, confidence in people and association with your region. The empirical framework comprises data of the sociological survey of the Russian population in 2018. The data were processed through the factor analysis. Results. We devised a model of a successful person in today's Russian society, which reveals that a success, first of all, depends on the economic wellbeing and has little relation to civic activism. The potential involvement (intention, possibility, preparedness) in the social and political life significantly dominates the real engagement of people. The success has a frail correlation with constituents of the social capital, such as confidence in people and doing good to the public. Conclusions and Relevance. Based on the socio-economic wellbeing, that is consumption, the existing model of a successful person proves to be ineffective. The sustainability of socio-economic wellbeing seriously contributes to the social disparity of opportunities, which drive a contemporary Russian to a success in life.

scholarly journals The transformative public of Jane Addams

Journalism ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 146488492095858
Author(s):  
Leena Ripatti-Torniainen
Keyword(s):  
Intellectual History ◽  
Social Ethics ◽  
Public Intellectual ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Public ◽  
Jane Addams ◽  
Journalism Studies ◽  
Social Divisions ◽  
The Social ◽  
Political Inquiry

This article provides an alternative contribution to journalism studies on a foundational concept by analysing texts of Jane Addams, a public intellectual contemporary with the seminal scholars Walter Lippmann and John Dewey. The author uses methods of intellectual history to construct the concept of the public from Addams’s books: Democracy and Social Ethics and The Newer Ideals of Peace, showing that all three authors, Lippmann, Dewey and Addams, discuss the same topic of individuals’ changed engagement with public political life. Addams departs from Lippmann and Dewey in setting out from the standpoints of exclusion and cosmopolitanism. Her argument regarding the public, as constructed by the author, consists of two premises. First, public engagement is a method of democratic inclusion as well as social and political inquiry for Addams. She sees the extension of relationality across social divisions as a necessary method to understand society and materialise democracy. Second, Addams emphasises cooperative and reflexive involvement especially in the characteristic developments of a time. She considers industrialisation and cosmopolitanism as characteristic developments of her own era. Addams suggests an in-principle cosmopolitan concept of the public that includes marginalised persons and groups. Compared to Lippmann’s and Dewey’s accounts of the public, Jane Addams’s argument is more radical and far more sensitive to the social inequality and plurality of a drastically morphing society.

scholarly journals The Activities of Fr Friedrich Muckermann in 1918–1919 in Vilnius: A Significant Application Towards a Civil Society? (The Phenomenon of the Christian Workers League)

2013 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 67-103
Author(s):  
Edmundas Gimžauskas
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
20Th Century ◽  
Catholic Church ◽  
Social Activities ◽  
Social Category ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Social ◽  
National Movements ◽  
General Operation ◽  
Significant Application

The activities of the German priest Friedrich Muckermann in Vilnius would belong to those cases when an extraordinary personality influenced crucially the development of the public process, by rallying an abundant crowd of followers. The assumptions of the social activities initiated by this Jesuit priest consisted of the transformation of the Catholic Church at the beginning of the 20th century from a confessional to a social category, and the conditioned general operation of the latter phenomenon. At the turn of 1918–1919 in Vilnius, due to the efforts of Muckermann, the League of Christian Workers appeared and gained more and more popularity in lower social strata. This seriously worried the Bolshevik government. Activists of the national movements conflicting with each other, in turn, understanding the prospects for the cultural-social consolidation begun by the priest to become political, naturally sought to influence the League. The arrest of Muckermann by the Bolsheviks not only encouraged a shift by the League to the Polish side, but also changed the nature of the organisation in the direction of radical action. Members of the League contributed actively to the capture of Vilnius by the Polish army in April 1919. And from that time, the organisation can be considered to be Polish, which in no way could be said about the League run by Muckermann. Leaving Bolshevik captivity at the end of 1919 in an exceptional way, he became not only a famous Catholic activist in interwar Germany, but also a symbol of the Christian resistance to Nazism.

Roman Catholic Church in the political life of modern Poland

2021 ◽  
pp. 134-153
Author(s):  
Vadim V. Volobuev ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Catholic Church ◽  
Roman Catholic ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Roman Catholic Church ◽  
Social Doctrine ◽  
The Social ◽  
Foreign Policies ◽  
Law And Justice ◽  
The Government ◽  
Doctrine Of The Church

The chapter describes the influence of the Roman Catholic Church on the domestic and foreign policies of Poland from the signing of the Treaty of May 1989 between the government and episcopate to the parliamentary elections of 2019. The author shows the interaction of the clergy and parties sharing the social doctrine of the church, in particular the Law and Justice Party, and the role of the personality and views of John Paul II in current Polish politics. Finally, the author considers the disputes and conflicts within Polish Catholicism.

Internal Orientalization or Deorientalization? Disciplinary Conflicts and National Imaginations in China, 1912–1949

Modern China ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 46 (4) ◽  
pp. 339-371
Author(s):  
Liping Wang
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Social Context ◽  
Ethnic Differences ◽  
Social Cohesion ◽  
Social Groups ◽  
Fundamental Question ◽  
The Public ◽  
Sociological Approach ◽  
The Social ◽  
Imperial China

Early twentieth-century China, as with other post-imperial states, faced the challenge of creating a nation encompassing different social groups and cultures. How to identify ethnic groups living in the borderlands and generate nationwide social cohesion became a fundamental question that concerned multiple intellectual communities. This article traces the formation of two approaches to ethnicity—ethnology and sociology—at that time. These two approaches, configuring “ethnic differences” in dissimilar ways, were received differently by the public. In the end, the ethnological approach prevailed and the sociological approach was marginalized. This outcome exemplifies a possible hierarchy of knowledge, but also involves the politics of knowledge. This article shows that the disparate visions of “ethnic others” were produced by intellectuals differently positioned within the social context of post-imperial China. The positionalities of these disciplines explain much of their intellectual alignment.

The Royal Declaration Against Transubstantiation and the Struggle Against Religious Discrimination in the Early Twentieth Century

2011 ◽  
Vol 30 (4) ◽  
pp. 555-572
Author(s):  
Joseph M. Fewster
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Religious Belief ◽  
Catholic Church ◽  
Roman Catholic ◽  
Roman Catholic Church ◽  
Religious Discrimination ◽  
Bill Of Rights ◽  
House Of Commons ◽  
Parliamentary Debates ◽  
Catholic Faith

Historians have paid little attention to the controversy provoked when Edward VII, in conformity with the Bill of Rights (1689) and Act of Settlement (1701) made the ‘Declaration against Transubstantiation’ which grossly insulted the Roman Catholic faith. Angry protests by Catholics in England were replicated even more strongly throughout the empire and issues of constitutional importance were raised which remain alive to the present day. The records of the lengthy parliamentary debates on this matter between 1901 and 1910 show that despite lingering suspicion of the Roman Catholic Church, and determination that no one professing that faith should ever occupy the throne, most members of both houses regarded Catholics as loyal citizens who should no longer be affronted at the beginning of the sovereign's reign by language born of a bygone age. Even so, to devise a formula which while removing what gave offence could satisfy the diverse interests involved when the religious and political spheres impinged on each other proved extremely difficult. The difficulty was increased because a large proportion of the general public regarded the declaration as a vital safeguard to the Protestant succession to the throne which made politicians hesitant to tamper with what had become ‘woven into the very texture of religious belief and adhesion’ in the country. It is worthwhile, therefore, to examine the various attempts to deal with this ‘thorny and difficult question’, which finally led to a revised declaration being forced in great haste through the House of Commons amid loud protests at what was considered unprecedented procedure.

scholarly journals Catholic and monarchist nationalism in twentieth-century Portugal

2021 ◽  
Vol 43 (2) ◽  
pp. 19-56
Author(s):  
Jacek Bartyzel
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Catholic Church ◽  
Nationalist Party ◽  
Social Doctrine ◽  
National Tradition ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The Difference ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Christian Nationalism

The subject of this article is Christian nationalism in twentieth-century Portugal in its two ideological and organizational crystallizations. The first is the Nationalist Party (Partido Nacionalista), operating in the late period of constitutional liberal monarchy, founded in 1903 on the basis of Catholic circles, whose initiator, leader, and main theoretician was Jacinto Cândido da Silva (1857–1926). The second is the metapolitical movement created after overthrowing the monarchy in 1914, aimed against the Republic, called Integralismo Lusitano. Its leader and main thinker was António Sardinha (1887–1925), and after his untimely death — Hipólito Raposo. Both organizations united nationalist doctrine with Catholic universalism, declaring subordination to the idea of national Christian ethics and the social doctrine of the Catholic Church. The difference between them, however, was that, although the party led by Cândido was founded, i.a., to save the monarchy, after its collapse, it doubted the sense of combining the defence of Catholicism against the militant secularism of the Republic with monarchism. Lusitanian integralists, on the other hand, saw the salvation of national tradition and Christian civilization in the restoration of monarchy — not liberal, but organic, traditionalist, anti-parliamentary, anti-liberal, and legitimistic. Eventually, the Nationalist Party gave rise to the Catholic-social movement from which an António Salazar’s corporate New State (Estado Novo, 1889–1970) originated, while Lusitanian Integralism was the Portuguese quintessential reactionary counter-revolution, for which Salazarism was also too modernist.

scholarly journals Social doctrine of Russian Orthodoxy: will it be two steps back?

2002 ◽  
pp. 14-24
Author(s):  
Oleksandr N. Sagan
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Russian Orthodox ◽  
Orthodox Church ◽  
Russian Orthodox Church ◽  
Russian Orthodoxy ◽  
Socialist System ◽  
Social Doctrine ◽  
Non Fiction ◽  
The Social

The fall of the socialist system in the early 90's of the twentieth century. led to the return of the Orthodox Churches of Europe to the active social and political life of the post-Soviet countries. Therefore, the adoption in August 2000 by the Jubilee Bishops' Council of the Russian Orthodox Church of the social doctrine became a necessary stage in the development of Russian Orthodoxy, and at the same time marked the beginning of a new time of not only this Church, but the whole Ecumenical Orthodoxy. However, this serious doctrine did not cause any serious attention, except for one or two colloquiums organized by the UOC of the Moscow Patriarchate. The wave of theological and non-fiction works on the hot topics raised in the Doctrine also did not happen to the experts.

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