scholarly journals Olha Buturlimova. British Labour Party in the 1920s: the electoral competition

2018 ◽  
pp. 113-128
Author(s):  
Olha Buturlimova
Keyword(s):  
Great Britain ◽  
Social Order ◽  
Labour Party ◽  
Media Technologies ◽  
The People ◽  
Election Manifestos ◽  
British Labour ◽  
General Elections ◽  
Left And Right ◽  
New Social Order

The article examines the processes of growth of the British Labour Party in the early XXth century. The reasons of Labour Party’s success on parliamentary and municipal elections in the 1920s have been analyzed. The main attention is paid to the party’s activities in constituencies and analysis of Labour Party General Election Manifestos, General Elections Results and other statistic data. The relations between the Labour Party and churches in Great Britain have also been investigated. The support of the Anglican Church and denominations in Great Britain gave the Labour Party some votes but they lost some votes of believers in the next election in 1924 because of Labour government’s failure to acknowledge Bolshevik persecution of the Christians in the USSR. The Labour attempts to win the countryside were also not so fruitful. It is emphasized that 1918 was the turning point in the formation of the Labour Party as mass, widely represented and influential parliamentary party. The reorganization of the Labour party in 1918, Representation of the People Act (1918), adoption of the “Labour and the New Social Order” party constitution have proved to be favorable for its further evolution. But some difficulties such as conflicts between left and right views in the party, absence of convincing majority, black mass-media technologies from political opponents and problems in economics of the country, seriously influenced on its abilities to win success in 1920-s.

The Socialist Movement in Great Britain and the United States

1924 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 276-284 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bertram Benedict
Keyword(s):  
Great Britain ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Labour Party ◽  
The United States ◽  
Annual Conference ◽  
House Of Commons ◽  
Labor Party ◽  
British Labour ◽  
General Elections ◽  
Socialist Movement

There is little need to point out the growing strength of the British Labor party. At the recent general elections, it achieved approximately one-third of both the House of Commons and the popular vote; and the fact that at the preceding election it had rolled up twenty-two per cent of the House and thirty per cent of the ballots proves that its recent achievement was not merely occasional. Throughout Great Britain there is thoughtful consideration as to whether Mr. J. Ramsay MacDonald will prove as able a prime minister as he proved a leader of His Majesty's Opposition.What may not be so widely appreciated is that the British Labor party is fundamentally, in fact no less than in theory, a socialist party. At its annual conference held in June, 1923, the following resolution was proposed:“This Conference … asserts that the supreme object of the Labour Party should be the supersession of Capitalism by the Socialist Commonwealth … ;” and with hundreds of delegates representing several million members, the resolution was passed unanimously. Indeed, as the chairman, Sidney Webb, remarked in putting the resolution to a vote, it was largely unnecessary, for everyone in Great Britain recognized that the British Labour party was a socialist movement.

Social identification with the “Yellow Vests”: An exploratory study in France.

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mathilde Barbier ◽  
Grégory Lo Monaco ◽  
Sylvain Delouvée
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Social Order ◽  
Exploratory Study ◽  
Moral Economy ◽  
Social Identification ◽  
Democratic Regime ◽  
Conspiracy Theories ◽  
The People ◽  
Full Swing ◽  
New Social Order

The present study was carried out in December, 2018 and aimed at exploring the “Yellow Vests” movement when the revolts were in full swing. It involved 260 French participants (Mage = 42.9 years, SDage 14.6, Min = 18 to Max = 88). Results confirmed our hypotheses. The people who most identified with the “Yellow Vests” are those who perceive the system to be less fair and more illegitimate, and who express more dissatisfaction with the democratic regime and are generally more politically cynical. They feel more alienated and affirm that they would be more likely to resort to violence in order to introduce a new social order. They adhere more to conspiracy theories. Finally, we found greater identification of the “Yellow Vests” with extreme compared to moderate political parties. We discuss these results from the defence of the moral economy principle.

The British Labour Party in the General Elections, 1906-1945

1950 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 383-404
Author(s):  
Lowell H. Harrison ◽  
Fred E. Crossland
Keyword(s):  
Labour Party ◽  
British Labour ◽  
General Elections

scholarly journals The Formation and the Evolution of the British Labour Party

2018 ◽  
pp. 50-62
Author(s):  
Olha Buturlimova
Keyword(s):  
Organizational Development ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
Party System ◽  
Labour Party ◽  
Liberal Party ◽  
Xxth Century ◽  
The People ◽  
The Social ◽  
British Labour ◽  
The Individual

The article examines the processes of organizational development of the British Labour Party in the early XXth century, the evolution of the party structure and political programme in the twentieths of the XXth century. Special attention is paid to researching the formation of the Social Democratic Federation, Fabian Society and Independent Labour Party till the time of its joining to the Labour Representation Committee in 1900 and adopting the “Labour Party” name in 1906. The author’s aim was to comprehensively investigate the political manifests and activities of those organizations on the way of transformation from separate trade-unions and socialist groups to apparent union of labour, and then to the mass and wide represented parliamentary party. However, the variety of social base of those societies is distinguished, and difference of socialist views and tactics of achieving the final purpose are emphasized. Considerable attention is paid to the system of the individual membership and results thereof in the process of the evolution of the Labour Party’s organization. The reorganization of the Labour party in 1918, Representation of the People Act, 1918 and the crisis in the Liberal party were favourable for the further evolution of the Labour Party. It is summarized that the social base, the history of party’s birth, the conditions of formation and the party system had influenced the process of the evolution of the ideological and political concepts of Labourizm.

scholarly journals The Soviet Occupation of Afghanistan

1986 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 291-297
Author(s):  
Mushtaqur Rahman
Keyword(s):  
Social Order ◽  
Muslim World ◽  
Not Given ◽  
Law And Order ◽  
The West ◽  
Soviet Occupation ◽  
The People ◽  
The World ◽  
Oil Flow ◽  
New Social Order

ISLAM is as natural to the people of Afghanistan as the air they breathe.Any system repugnant to Islam or the introduction of alien forces to introducea new social order has always been resisted by the Afghans. The presentAfghan-Soviet war is one such story.The war is a matter of vital importance because its outcome will immenselyaffect Pakistan, Iran, and the rest of the Muslim world. It will also upset thebalance of power between the West and the Soviets, and might change thedirection of oil flow. It is curious that the war is not given the support orattention it deserves, in spite of its global ramifications. The West perhapsignores the war as Afghanistan is far removed from the Western mainstream,and its impact is not generally understood because the Afghan Mujahideenlack a sophisticated network of information. Moreover, the Soviets continuemisleading the world by claiming the war is only a law and order problembetween the Afghan government and a handful of “bandits” encouraged fromoutside.The war is neither a law and order matter nor its impact hard to realize.Afghan Mujahideen are fighting the Soviets to force them out of Afghanistan,and the Soviets are trying to hold on using biological, chemical, and othersophisticated weapons. In spite of enormous destruction and genocide, theAfghan Mujahideen are determined to fight to the last, and so apparently arethe Soviets to consolidate their occupation of Afghanistan. This paper presentsan analysis of the war and its impact on Pakistan, the Muslim world, andthe West from a geopolitical standpoint. A brief discussion of Afghanistanexplains the former status of Afghanistan as a buffer state first between theRussians and the British and later between the Soviets and Pakistan.Modern Afghanistan dates back to 1747 when Ahmad Shah Durrani tookover reins of that country. More or less during the same time, the British ...

scholarly journals Populism as an intra-party phenomenon: The British Labour Party under Jeremy Corbyn

2018 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 99-115 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jake Watts ◽  
Tim Bale
Keyword(s):  
Labour Party ◽  
Party Politics ◽  
The People ◽  
British Labour ◽  
Jeremy Corbyn

This article seeks to demonstrate that the concept of populism can help us to understand the dynamics of intra-party politics. This argument is made via a case study of the British Labour Party under Jeremy Corbyn, who was elected as its leader in late 2015. Corbynism as a (highly personalistic) political phenomenon has relied, in its resistance to opposition from more moderate MPs to Labour’s leftward turn, upon the idea that the party’s members are ‘the people’. This idea links to notions of the ‘heartland’ members occupy, the elite conspiracy against them and the democratic resolution made possible by the leader. Analysing how the rise of populist politics affects politics within parties, as well as between them, may, the article argues, help account for the populist transformation of established parties. This transformation, in turn, is one way in which populist discourse may infuse a country’s politics, permanently or otherwise.

The British Labour Party: The Conflict Between Socialist Ideals and Practical Politics between the Wars

1965 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 140-152 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard W. Lyman
Keyword(s):  
Social Order ◽  
Labour Party ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
British Labour ◽  
History Of ◽  
Practical Politics ◽  
Contrasting View ◽  
War Aims ◽  
Post War ◽  
Fabian Society

The purpose of this paper is to set forth, somewhat arbitrarily, a composite view of the British Labour Party's history between the Wars, to be labelled the orthodox Labour interpretation, and then to set against it a contrasting view which has been expressed by several left-wing writers within the Labour Party. This examination of conflicting opinions can scarcely be dignified with the title historiographical inquiry. In the first place, there are other more or less coherent interpretations of Labour Party history in this period besides the two sketched herein, most notably a Communist view, expressed in such works as Allen Hutt's The Post-War History of the British Working Class. Secondly, as Stephen Graubard has recently said in relation to the Fabian Society, much of the Labour Party history in this period is in fact autobiography. Finally, as will soon become distressingly apparent, the interpretations that most writers have given of Labour between the Wars have been influenced by, connected with, even in some cases identical to the same authors' views on Labour today. History used to be called “past politics”; in this case it cannot entirely escape becoming “present politics.”According to the orthodox view, the Labour Party was emerging from its infancy in the 1920s, having established its claim to be considered a major contestant for power as recently as 1918. As Francis Williams puts it:With the acceptance of the new constitution and the endorsement of the international policy contained in the Memorandum on War Aims and the domestic programme contained in Labour and the New Social Order, the Labour Party finally established itself. The formative years were ended. Now at last it was an adult party certain of its own purpose; aware also at last of what it must do to impress that purpose upon the nation.

scholarly journals The ‘how’ of election manifestos in the British Labour Party

2016 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 289-295 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robin T Pettitt
Keyword(s):  
Labour Party ◽  
Significant Degree ◽  
Organizational History ◽  
Government Action ◽  
Grass Roots ◽  
Election Manifestos ◽  
British Labour ◽  
Long Term Result ◽  
History Of

The organizational history of the British Labour Party is to a significant degree the story of an ongoing struggle over the ‘how’ of election manifestos, a struggle, partly driven by a broad-based agreement over the ‘why’ of manifestos. This is a struggle between a ‘parliamentary independence’ wing and a ‘grass-roots control’ wing. Because the manifesto is seen as a programme for government action, this also means that the answer to the how takes on huge importance, because controlling the how means controlling government action. This article will show the nature and extent of the disagreement between the two wings and argue that it has repeatedly damaged the Labour Party’s ability to operate effectively. In this struggle, the two opposing sides have at various times scored temporary ‘victories’. However, whichever argument ‘won’ at any given time, the long-term result was damage to the party’s ability to function properly. The article will also argue that after multiple generations of struggle, this issue is essentially still unresolved.

scholarly journals Antiwar campaign of the British Labour Party in the early World War I

2021 ◽  
pp. 98-111
Author(s):  
Elena Susloparova
Keyword(s):  
Great Britain ◽  
World War I ◽  
Systematic Approach ◽  
Early Period ◽  
Labour Party ◽  
World War ◽  
Causes Of War ◽  
British Labour ◽  
The Government ◽  
Human Losses

This article is dedicated to the protest campaign of Labour Party of Great Britain, which unfolded in the early World War I. Based on the range of sources, such as socialist workers’ press of Great Britain, party documents, parliamentary debated, the author sets a goal to examine the key arguments of the opponents, namely activists of the Independent Workers’ Party, which became a stronghold of antiwar sentiment of the Labours. Special attention is given to such publicists as R. MacDonald and K. Hardy. The article also traces the evolution of antiwar campaign and reveals the reasons. Research methodology is based on the systematic approach towards analysis of public speeches of British activists printed in the workers' socialist publications of antiwar orientation. It is demonstrated how in the space of a few days, in August 1914, the moods of majority of the British workers changed dramatically, from unreserved condemnation of the war expressed in the slogans of the Second International towards support of the government in the fight against militaristic Germany. The conclusion is drawn that in the initial months of war, the antiwar campaign has experienced significant transformation. If in the early period it was characterized mostly by the emotional and somewhat sarcastic rhetoric, then later on the background of tremendous human losses, the campaign adopted a rather moderate tone. Attempts of the publicists to grasp on causes of war and focus the need to rebuild society after its completion comes to the forefront.

scholarly journals ‘I Wanted More Women in, but . . .’: Oblique Resistance to Gender Equality Initiatives

2020 ◽  
pp. 095001702093687
Author(s):  
Owain Smolović Jones ◽  
Sanela Smolović Jones ◽  
Scott Taylor ◽  
Emily Yarrow
Keyword(s):  
Gender Equality ◽  
Labour Party ◽  
Leadership Roles ◽  
The People ◽  
British Labour ◽  
Positive Discrimination ◽  
Patriarchal Power ◽  
Practical Implications

Despite many interventions designed to change the gender demographics of positional leadership roles in organizations and professions, women continue to be under-represented in most arenas. Here we explore gender equality (GE) interventions through the example of positive discrimination quotas in politics to develop an understanding of resistance to them. Our case is the British Labour Party, analysing interviews with the people who designed, implemented and resisted the system of all-women shortlists. We develop the notion of ‘oblique resistance’ to describe an indirect form of resistance to the erosion of patriarchal power, which never directly confronts the issue of GE, yet actively undermines it. Oblique resistance is practised in three key ways: through appeals to ethics, by marking territory and in appeals to convention. We conclude by considering the conceptual and practical implications of oblique resistance, when direct and more overt resistance to GE is increasingly socially unacceptable.

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