scholarly journals British “imperial federalism” in the vision of Canadian “loyalists” at the end of XIX century

Author(s):  
Mykhailo Zapototskyi

The article is devoted to the vision of the Canadian political elites of British “imperial federalism” concept, which resonated with the British Empire in the second half of the nineteenth century. This concept appeared in the circles of British politicians and public figures and, in the long run, should become a federal alliance between the colonies and the United Kingdom. Canada, which at that time was a full-fledged state entity, offered its own vision on this issue. The Canadian political elites, most of whom were supporters of a close relationship with the United Kingdom (the so-called “loyalists”), expressed broad support for the British Crown and a close alliance with Britain. In this article the author draws attention to the concept of “imperial federalism” and its origins, highlights the views of Canada’s major political figures who have expressed their thoughts about the imperial federation, and focuses on discussions about the vision of the future alliance of Canadian politicians. Separately analyzed are the colonial conferences of the late nineteenth century, which became the platform for solving colonial problems. They gave the opportunity to the Canadian “loyalists” to express their own position on the activity mechanism of the Imperial Federation in the future. The emergence of the idea of federalization of the British colonial system in the second half of the nineteenth century became a reaction to the outdated colonial system of the United Kingdom, which required updating and optimization of its work. This idea was geopolitical in its nature, because it was the result of the loss of a dominant position in the world colonial system by the United Kingdom and a desire to reclaim its former positions. The Canadian Loyalists’ vision of the concept of British “imperial federalism” is a clear example of Canadian politicians’ attitudes toward Britain at the end of the 19th century. It was to endorse the British idea by making its own adjustments to the future imperial federal system of the British Empire. The very concept of “imperial federalism” did not find its realization throughout the political debate, and its alternative was the imperial conferences that were held throughout the XX century. It was imperial conferences that served as a platform for solving common colonial problems and facilitated closer ties between the Metropolia and the colonies.

Author(s):  
David G. Morgan-Owen

The Royal Navy thought about war in a particular way in the late nineteenth century. This chapter explains how the contemporary Navy understood strategy as it pertained to protecting the United Kingdom from invasion. By examining the different approaches taken to war against France and Germany between 1885 and 1900 it shows how the Admiralty understood the defence of the British Isles in this period in largely symmetrical terms. The battle fleet remained key to naval warfare and to preventing invasion, but it did not need to be shackled to the British coastline in order to prevent a hostile power from attempting to cross the Channel.


2016 ◽  
Vol 29 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 93-117
Author(s):  
John Stuart

The Anglican presence in Mozambique dates from the late nineteenth century. This article provides a historical overview, with reference to mission, church and diocese. It also examines ecclesiastical and other religious connections between Mozambique and the United Kingdom, South Africa and Portugal. Through focus on the career and writings of the English missionary-priest John Paul and on the episcopacy of the Portuguese-born bishop of Lebombo Daniel de Pina Cabral, the article furthermore examines Anglican affairs in Mozambique during the African struggle for liberation from Portuguese rule.


1990 ◽  
Vol 122 (2) ◽  
pp. 359-369
Author(s):  
S. Gunasingam

Since the time South Asia, together with other Asian and African countries, became an integral part of the British Empire, the significance of manuscripts, published works and other artefacts, relating to those regions has stimulated continued appreciation in the United Kingdom, albeit with varying degrees of interest. It is interesting to note that the factors which have contributed in one way or another to the collecting of South Asian I material for British institutions vary in their nature, and thus illuminate the attitudes of different periods. During the entire nineteenth century, the collectors were primarily administrators; for most of the first half of the twentieth century, it was the interest and the needs of British universities that led to the accumulation of substantial holdings in many academic or specialist libraries.


1998 ◽  
Vol 8 ◽  
pp. 215-231 ◽  
Author(s):  
John M. MacKenzie

The modern historiography of the origins of British national identities seems riven with contradictions and paradoxes. First there is a major chronological problem. Is the forging of Britishness to be located in the sixteenth, seventeenth, eighteenth or nineteenth centuries? Second, there is a difficulty in the compilation of such identities. Are they to be found in negative reactions to the perceived contemporary identities of others or in positive, if mythic, readings of ethnic history? Third, can there be a British identity at all when the cultural identities of what may be called the sub-nationalisms or sub-ethnicities of the United Kingdom seem to be forged at exactly the same time? And fourth, did the formation of the British Empire and the vast expansion of British imperialism in the nineteenth century tend towards the confirmation of the identity of Greater Britain or of the Welsh, Irish, English and Scottish elements that made it up?


2019 ◽  
pp. 1-14
Author(s):  
Edoardo Campanella ◽  
Marta Dassù

A brief overview of the main topics discussed throughout the book, with a focus on the emotional roots of today’s geopolitical disorder. More and more countries are becoming trapped in a past that no longer exists. Nostalgia offers relief from socio-economic angst and becomes an emotional weapon in the political debate used by jingoist leaders. Although nostalgic nationalism is a global phenomenon, it is Brexit that epitomizes it in its purest form. Only in the United Kingdom is it possible to identify the three moments of a periodizing nostalgic narrative: the “golden days”; the “great rupture”; and the “present discontent”. The golden age is represented by the imperial era. The rupture came not only with the slow demise of the British Empire, but also with the decision to join the European project in 1973. The present discontent is caused by the unwillingness of many Britons to come to terms with Britain’s transformation into an ordinary nation-state. The rest of the chapter discusses the structure of the book. The first section looks at how nostalgia is abused to build national myths capable of mobilizing a country toward a common goal. The second dismantles some of the reality distortion created by Brexiteers’ nostalgic rhetoric.


2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 89-111
Author(s):  
Agata Łuksza

In the late nineteenth century British culture, politics and history were customary topics in Polish newspapers, and Shakespeare's dramas were the most often performed classic texts on the Warsaw theatre stage. However, in this paper focusing on Warsaw seasons 1814/1815–1900/1901 I demonstrate that surprisingly one can hardly talk about any form of cultural transfer between the British and Polish popular theatre and drama in that period. The analysis of the Warsaw repertoire, travel recollections to the United Kingdom and press articles, reveal that even though the Polish nation treated the UK as a point of reference, it consistently rejected the British theatre at large and theatre entertainment in particular, and considered it ‘crude’ and in bad taste. I claim that the geopolitical situation of Poland cannot alone account for this puzzle.


1993 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 151-176
Author(s):  
Patricia Sykes

Since the late nineteenth century, dissatisfaction with the U.S. party system has led political scientists to look across the Atlantic for ”responsible parties,” cohesive teams with leaders who articulate and promote distinctive programs for public policy. Yet U.S. political scientists have been misguided when they have searched for a different, superior set of parties in the United Kingdom. British parties have never possessed the internal cohesion characteristic of the responsible-parties model. Nor have they, for that matter, empowered their leaders to pursue change. When parties prove significant, influence operates in the British environment much as it does in the U.S. context—as a commodity bargained for among groups within the two major parties.


1884 ◽  
Vol 24 (5) ◽  
pp. 333-358
Author(s):  
Arthur Francis Burridge

The combination of circumstances, which for generations past has impelled large numbers of our countrymen to establish homes in distant lands, has wrought vast changes on the surface of the globe. The progress and welfare of Englishmen call, from every continent, for our interest and sympathy; and, while there is, probably, no portion of “Great Britain” which usually attracts more lively interest than Australasia, special attention is just now directed to that important member of the British Empire. The richness of its soil, its varying and salubrious climate, embracing those degrees of temperature most conducive to health, and, above all, its immense possibilities for the future, combine to fascinate the mind, and inspire a wish for further knowledge.A comparison of the population returns of Australia with those of the United Kingdom, presents a contrast as striking as can be found in any department of social science. The area of the continent,—which is estimated to be somewhat under three million square miles,—contained at the end of the year 1882 about 2,296,000 inhabitants. The average number of persons to the square mile in each colony was as follows:—


The Oxford History of Protestant Dissenting Traditions, Volume III considers the Dissenting traditions of the United Kingdom, the British Empire, and the United States in the nineteenth century. It provides an overview of the historiography on Dissent while making the case for seeing Dissenters in different Anglophone connections as interconnected and conscious of their genealogical connections. The nineteenth century saw the creation of a vast Anglo-world in which Anglophone Dissent reached its apogee. Featuring contributions from a team of leading scholars, this collection presents Dissent as a political and constitutional identity, which was often only strong where a dominant Church of England existed to dissent against, but also as a cluster of distinctive attitudes to Scripture, spirituality, and culture which persisted even as they changed in different settings. The volume illustrates that in most parts of that Anglo-world the later nineteenth century was marked by a growing enthusiasm for the moral and educational activism of the state, which plays against the idea of Dissent as a static, purely negative identity.


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