scholarly journals Do nacionalismo cultural à culturalização da nação: a Revista do Livro / From cultural nationalism to the culturalization of the nation: Revista do Livro

2021 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 107
Author(s):  
Fernando Floriani Petry

Resumo: O projeto político, literário e cultural promulgado pela Revista do Livro mobiliza uma série significativa de conceituações complexas que surgem em diferentes momentos, com variações em suas significações e aplicações. Publicada entre os anos de 1956 e 1970, atravessando, portanto, diferentes regimes de governo e mudanças bruscas na condução do Estado brasileiro, a revista do Instituto Nacional do Livro (INL) maneja conceitos centrais para a compreensão de sua atuação e de sua relação com o seu tempo e o seu meio. Dentre eles, veremos neste artigo como a Revista do Livro ativa e constrói suas próprias noções de tradição, de nacional, de cultura no processo de construção do seu próprio cânone da literatura brasileira.Palavras-chave: Revista do Livro; Instituto Nacional do Livro; tradição; nacional; cultura; cânone.Abstract: The political, literary, and cultural project promulgated by the Revista do Livro mobilizes a significant series of complex conceptualizations that appear at different times, with variations in their meanings and applications. Published between 1956 and 1970, thus going through different governmental regimes and abrupt changes in the conduction of the Brazilian State, the magazine of the National Book Institute handles concepts that are central to the understanding of its performance and its relationship with its time and milieu. Among them, we will see in this article how the Revista do Livro activates and constructs its own notions of tradition, national, and culture in the process of building its own canon of Brazilian literature.Keywords: Revista do Livro; National Book Institute; tradition; national; culture; canon.

Author(s):  
Dmytro Dzvinchuk ◽  
Iryna Ozminska

The article investigates the concept of “political nation”. The analysis of research studies and the generalization of domestic and foreign experience in the formation of political nation prove the relevance of the issues raised. The study of peculiarities of the political nation formation in the coordinates of the Modernist period enhances the understanding of processes in the socio-humanitarian sphere, makes it possible to outline the ambiguity of interpretations of the conceptual foundations of the political nation, and also helps to develop the effective state policy in this area. It should be noted that there are few studies that systematically analyze the domestic and foreign experience of forming the political nation and they need modernization. It has been determined that the identification of the sense of national identity is the result of the appropriate mental work, and external challenges greatly optimize this process. Different approaches to the content characteristics of the notion “political nation” have been considered and summarized. A number of factors (the need to preserve the integrity of state and its consolidation, the formation of civil society, hybrid aggression, etc.) have been outlined, which stipulate the necessity of developing the adequate policy on dealing with crisis phenomena, existing in the Ukrainian national identity. It has been established that the political nation forms a corresponding type of national culture, which creates a more systematic understanding of the genesis, ritual and strategy of national development.


2017 ◽  
Vol 18 (7) ◽  
pp. 1641-1656 ◽  
Author(s):  
Uwe Volkmann

It is a long-established commonplace in any debate on immigration that immigrants should integrate into their receiving society. But integrate into what precisely? Into the labor market, into the legal order, into the political system, into a national culture whatever this might comprise? The Article tries to approach the question from the legal point of view and looks for hints or clues in the constitution which might help us with the answer. For this purpose, it explores the general theory of the constitution as it has been shaped by its professional interpreters as well as by political actors, the media and the public. The main intuition is that “constitution” is not only a written document, a text with a predefined, though maybe hidden meaning; instead, it is a social practice evolving over time and thereby reflecting the shared convictions of a political community of what is just and right. Talking about constitutional expectations toward immigrants then also tells us something about ourselves: about who we are and what kind of community we want to live in. As it turns out, we may not have a very clear idea of that.


Focaal ◽  
2005 ◽  
Vol 2005 (45) ◽  
pp. 71-93
Author(s):  
Wil G. Pansters

This article studies the transformation of the debate about national culture in twentieth-century Mexico by looking at the complex relationship between discourses of authenticity and mestizaje. The article firstly demonstrates how in the first half of the twentieth century, Mexican national identity was constructed out of a state-led program of mestizaje, thereby supposedly giving rise to a new and authentic identity, the mestizo (nation). Secondly, it is argued that the authentication project around mestizaje is riddled with paradoxes that require explanation. Thirdly, the article studies the political dimension of the authenticity discourse and demonstrates how the homogenizing and unifying forces that spring from the process of authentication played an important role in buttressing an authoritarian regime. Fourthly, the article looks at two recent developments: indigenous cultural politics and transnationalism. Here it is shown how discourses of difference, pluralism, and transnationalism are challenging the central tenets of Mexican post-revolutionary national culture and the boundaries of the national Self.


1944 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 43-66
Author(s):  
Francis Borgia Steck

A Phase of American history that calls for a more adequate appraisal is the role played by Catholics in the cultural life of Mexico during the nineteenth century, from Hidalgo’s dash for independence in 1810 to the collapse of the Díaz regime in 1910. It is commonly believed that during these hundred years Catholics in Mexico were dolefully sitting on the sidelines and sucking their thumbs, wistfully waiting for a chance to enter once more and enrich with their contribution the temple of national culture. So many imagine that Catholics in nineteenth-century Mexico, being fettered politically and black-listed socially, manifested little interest and made no worthwhile contributions along cultural lines. Belonging generally to the so-called “conservative” party in the political arena, they are supposed to have been debarred from the cultured “liberal” circles of the day and for this reason remained inarticulate, contributing nothing of real importance and enduring value to the culture of independent Mexico and exerting no appreciable influence on contemporary literature, art, science, and education.


2007 ◽  
Vol 189 ◽  
pp. 144-161 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matthew Chew

The qipao ceased to be worn for everyday occasions afer the 1950s in the PRC and the late 1960s in Hong Kong, Taiwan and Singapore. But it has powerfully re-emerged in the last few years. This is puzzling considering the swiftness and broad scale of the re-emergence, and the qipao's recent history of being marginalized. Are the political and cultural elites responsible and what motivated them? Besides political and cultural nationalism, are there other reasons that have led a large number of people to resume wearing the qipao? This study finds that the state did not play a significant role in the qipao's re-emergence, that cultural producers and celebrities contributed much to it, and that the symbolic meanings of the modern historical qipao have been repackaged and now cater to a variety of consumers for very different reasons.


Author(s):  
Bożena Gierat-Bieroń ◽  

The EU is promoting cultural relations with Asian countries. While building interpersonal and institutional connections, the EU pays special attention to Japan. The image of the EU and its mutual relations with Japan are generally recognised as predominantly good and trustworthy. This paper will examine the process of building creative/progressive cultural relations between the EU and Japan based on two hypotheses; fi rst: despite the fact that the EU tried to develop cultural relations within Japan, the embassies of the EU Member States are far more active in cultural programs than the EU Delegation; and secondly: the reception of the EU as a historic and cultural project is rather fragmented (as opposed to being holistic) in Japan. The aim of this research is to analyse, compare, and evaluate both the effort and achievements made by the EU and Japan in the process of building creative cultural relations. The research will demonstrate an analytical approach in the political sciences discipline.


2020 ◽  
pp. 207-218
Author(s):  
Alison Finch

The frequency with which Proust uses the word ‘goût’ (taste) in À la recherche du temps perdu contributes to the patterning or ‘form’ of the novel, while raising questions about social ‘form’. Proust plays with the concept of ‘taste’ or ‘tastes’ in such a way as to interweave the bodily, the historical and the imaginary, constructing scenarios that depend on ‘taste’, variously interpreted, and that are – alternately or simultaneously – comic, quasi-anthropological or poignant (for example, those staging gay eroticism); he also creates puns that draw on both oral and aesthetic meanings of taste/s. Throughout the novel, he depicts the relativism of tastes, the battlegrounds on which these are fought out, and the complex relationship between taste and disgust. (Arguably, in some cases the battlegrounds are peculiarly French, given the political importance of ‘taste’ in the national culture.) Characters such as Albertine, Brichot and the ‘low-life’ Jupien all have their – sometimes unexpected – roles in these taste-wars.


Author(s):  
Kwame Anthony Appiah

This chapter explores some of the tensions between cosmopolitanism and nationalism, from above, and ethnic identity and nationalism, from below, in the light of some of the other chapters in this book. To do so, it sketches a general account of identity, with its three components: criteria of membership, psychological identification, and the treatment of members by others as members of the group, and argues that all are standardly contested. It then incorporates the insights of some of the earlier chapters that show that identification can involve (a) feelings of warmth for the nation, or (b) celebrating national culture and achievements, or (c) conceiving of one’s nation as superior to others, and it discusses the different effects of these on redistributive solidarity with minorities and migrants. Finally, it urges attention to the role of national honour in thinking about national identity and suggests that there is scope for more work on the political psychology of nationalism.


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 52-70
Author(s):  
Vicky Greenaway

Revisiting the issue of Rossetti's response to politics, I argue that Rossetti's early work on Italian topics should be placed within the Risorgimento tradition of cultural nationalism that preceded and then ran alongside the political movement for Italian unification. Recent work by scholars such as Christopher Kierstead, Stefano Evangelisto, and Matthew Potolsky on cosmopolitan political discourse within Aestheticism and Decadence has shown that the age of ‘Art for Art's Sake’ does not turn away from politics, but rather re-defines its parameters. By re-situating Rossetti's writing on Italy in relation to issues of cultural nationalism I argue that his work can be regarded as a formative precursor to the development of this cosmopolitan aesthetic. I show how Rossetti's poetics on the topic of Italian unity returns a repeated experience of separateness – a failure of resolution defined politically, epistemologically, and aesthetically. Through exploring and analysing this episteme of separateness in his Italianate works and as an aesthetic principle that recurs throughout Poems (1870), I argue that Rossetti creates an alternate aesthetic of disunity which engages creatively with the modernity of the mid-century and creates the necessary preconditions for the subsequent phenomenon of Decadent cosmopolitanism to emerge. Rossetti's writing on Italy refutes most of the conventions of the tradition of cultural-nationalist writing but it is nevertheless embedded within it: I argue that an embedded reading of this Italian theme in his works is necessary to an understanding of the extent and character of Rossetti's poetic innovations of the mid-century.


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