scholarly journals World War I and the Contemporary World Order

2015 ◽  
Vol 13 (3 (42)) ◽  
pp. 155-162
Author(s):  
Igor Istomin
2017 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-22
Author(s):  
Lloyd E. Ambrosius

One hundred years ago, on April 6, 1917, President Woodrow Wilson led the United States into the First World War. Four days earlier, in his war message to Congress, he gave his rationale for declaring war against Imperial Germany and for creating a new world order. He now viewed German submarine attacks against neutral as well as belligerent shipping as a threat to the whole world, not just the United States. “The present German submarine warfare against commerce is a warfare against mankind,” he claimed. “It is a war against all nations.” He now believed that Germany had violated the moral standards that “citizens of civilized states” should uphold. The president explained: “We are at the beginning of an age in which it will be insisted that the same standards of conduct and responsibility for wrong done shall be observed among nations and their governments that are observed among the individual citizens of civilized states.” He focused on protecting democracy against the German regime of Kaiser Wilhelm II. “A steadfast concert for peace,” he said, “can never be maintained except by a partnership of democratic nations. No autocratic government could be trusted to keep faith within it or observe its covenants.” Wilson called on Congress to vote for war not just because Imperial Germany had sunk three American ships, but for the larger purpose of a new world order. He affirmed: “We are glad, now that we see the facts with no veil of false pretense about them, to fight thus for the ultimate peace of the world and for the liberation of its peoples, the German peoples included: for the rights of nations great and small and the privilege of men everywhere to choose their way of life and of obedience. The world must be made safe for democracy. Its peace must be planted upon the tested foundation of political liberty.”


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Masako Gavin

<p>Shiga Shigetaka (1863-1927) is generally known among scholars of Japanese intellectual history as the pioneering advocate of kokusui shugi (maintenance of Japan's cultural identity), a theory which called for spiritual solidarity in the late 1880s when Japan was facing increasing pressure from the West. He is also regarded as an intellectual opponent of his contemporary, journalist Tokutomi Soho (1863-1957), who advocated heimin shugi, total modernisation of Japan. Their so-called rivalry has been understood as Shigetaka being "conservative" and Soho, "progressive", despite the many parallels in their ideas regarding the necessity for industrialisation of Japan: the myth has been created that Shigetaka's ideas are synonymous with those of the "conservative" intellectuals, particularly the "Confucian" scholars (jukyo shugi sha). In fact, Shigetaka strongly rejected the "conservative" label and criticised the "Confucian" scholars when their influence culminated in the promulgation of the Imperial Rescript on Education in 1890 and also when the National Morality Movement gained nation-wide support after 1910. However, his criticism of them has not been sufficiently studied and existing discussions of his thought predominantly focus on the kokusui issue. Other studies deal with Shigetaka as geographer, political activist, and global traveller, but tend to be rather sketchy. Above all, they do not concern themselves with his thoughts on education, which are particularly significant in light of his opposition to the "Confucian" scholars' attempts to achieve national moral control. Despite his opposition, there has been another longstanding myth about him: his kokusui advocacy and his purpose of promotion as well as popularisation of the study of the geography have been interpreted as leading towards Japan's later imperialism. One of the purposes of this study is to challenge these two myths, (Shigetaka as a "conservative" intellectual and Shigetaka as a forerunner of imperialism), by focussing on the areas of his work overlooked by the previous scholars. This thesis presents a more realistic picture of Shigetaka's intellectual activity by examining his thought in two stages: the late 1880s when he advocated Japan's economic reform supported by national (spiritual) solidarity; and after 1910 when he began his outspoken criticism of the "Confucian" scholars. By analysing his criticism of the "Confucian" scholars, the discourse attempts to establish the following two points: first, that the "Confucian" scholars were Shigetaka's intellectual opponents; second, that he was an anti-imperialist who strongly opposed Japan's march towards the "suicidal" World War Two. The thesis also identifies the close relationship between Shigetaka's beliefs regarding education and economic reforms and those of Fukuzawa Yukichi (1835-1901), the most influential enlightener of 1870s in Japan. Both Fukuzawa and Shigetaka had participated in missions overseas and both believed in Western studies, although Shigetaka warned against too indiscriminate an adoption of Westernisation because of his findings of the demeaning effect of Western culture in the South Seas. This thesis demonstrates how Shigetaka supported his reform advocacy with first-hand observations of current world affairs. He believed that Japan's survival and respect in the fast-changing world order depended on education and it was vital to promote and popularise geography as a curricular subject and as a way of understanding the contemporary world. He aimed at not only educating the people through institutions, but also enlightening the general public through journalism. Consequently, this thesis suggests that his views on education, to which insufficient weight has been given until now, are essential to understanding the intellectual activity of this "forgotten enlightener".</p>


Author(s):  
Daniel Pick

‘War, politics, and ideas’ outlines Freud’s later ideas and refers to the political circumstances prevailing between 1914 and 1945. Early analysts endured the rise of anti-Semitism in Vienna, shrill nationalism and militarism, and the devastation of World War I. This was followed by a terrible flu epidemic, years of economic crisis, the rise of fascism, the breakdown of peace, Hitler’s seizure of power, and ever-intensifying racial persecution. A new world order emerged after 1945, swiftly shadowed by the prospect of an all-annihilating nuclear exchange. Psychoanalysis was profoundly affected by the century in which it developed, and in turn provided a language that many people thought useful to think about politics and society in the ‘age of extremes’.


Author(s):  
Dominic D. P. Johnson

This chapter examines the strategic role of overconfidence. It describes mentally healthy people that exhibit an overestimation of their capabilities, an illusion of control over events, and a perceived invulnerability to risk. It also describes overconfidence that has long been noted as a cause of disasters and wars, citing Geoffrey Blainey, Barbara Tuchman, and Stephen Van Evera who all blamed false optimism as one of the key causes of World War I. The chapter reviews the considerable discussion of the role of overconfidence in the contemporary world, such as the U.S. planning for the 2003 Iraq War and the 2008 financial crisis. It elaborates how overconfidence can offer adaptive advantages by increasing ambition, resolve, and perseverance.


Author(s):  
Agnes Cornell ◽  
Jørgen Møller ◽  
Svend-Erik Skaaning

To understand what interwar democracies were up against, we need to recognize that a number of mutually linked crises affected social and political life in the 1920s and 1930s. Besides the Great Depression between 1929 and 1933, these interwar crises included the aborted attempt at communist world revolution in 1917–20, the legacies of World War I in general and the Versailles and Trianon Treaties in particular, the post-war economic slump of the early 1920s, the advent of fascist and Nazi ideologies and mass movements, and the breakdown of the liberal world order in the 1930s. All of these crises had the potential to undermine democracy.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Masako Gavin

<p>Shiga Shigetaka (1863-1927) is generally known among scholars of Japanese intellectual history as the pioneering advocate of kokusui shugi (maintenance of Japan's cultural identity), a theory which called for spiritual solidarity in the late 1880s when Japan was facing increasing pressure from the West. He is also regarded as an intellectual opponent of his contemporary, journalist Tokutomi Soho (1863-1957), who advocated heimin shugi, total modernisation of Japan. Their so-called rivalry has been understood as Shigetaka being "conservative" and Soho, "progressive", despite the many parallels in their ideas regarding the necessity for industrialisation of Japan: the myth has been created that Shigetaka's ideas are synonymous with those of the "conservative" intellectuals, particularly the "Confucian" scholars (jukyo shugi sha). In fact, Shigetaka strongly rejected the "conservative" label and criticised the "Confucian" scholars when their influence culminated in the promulgation of the Imperial Rescript on Education in 1890 and also when the National Morality Movement gained nation-wide support after 1910. However, his criticism of them has not been sufficiently studied and existing discussions of his thought predominantly focus on the kokusui issue. Other studies deal with Shigetaka as geographer, political activist, and global traveller, but tend to be rather sketchy. Above all, they do not concern themselves with his thoughts on education, which are particularly significant in light of his opposition to the "Confucian" scholars' attempts to achieve national moral control. Despite his opposition, there has been another longstanding myth about him: his kokusui advocacy and his purpose of promotion as well as popularisation of the study of the geography have been interpreted as leading towards Japan's later imperialism. One of the purposes of this study is to challenge these two myths, (Shigetaka as a "conservative" intellectual and Shigetaka as a forerunner of imperialism), by focussing on the areas of his work overlooked by the previous scholars. This thesis presents a more realistic picture of Shigetaka's intellectual activity by examining his thought in two stages: the late 1880s when he advocated Japan's economic reform supported by national (spiritual) solidarity; and after 1910 when he began his outspoken criticism of the "Confucian" scholars. By analysing his criticism of the "Confucian" scholars, the discourse attempts to establish the following two points: first, that the "Confucian" scholars were Shigetaka's intellectual opponents; second, that he was an anti-imperialist who strongly opposed Japan's march towards the "suicidal" World War Two. The thesis also identifies the close relationship between Shigetaka's beliefs regarding education and economic reforms and those of Fukuzawa Yukichi (1835-1901), the most influential enlightener of 1870s in Japan. Both Fukuzawa and Shigetaka had participated in missions overseas and both believed in Western studies, although Shigetaka warned against too indiscriminate an adoption of Westernisation because of his findings of the demeaning effect of Western culture in the South Seas. This thesis demonstrates how Shigetaka supported his reform advocacy with first-hand observations of current world affairs. He believed that Japan's survival and respect in the fast-changing world order depended on education and it was vital to promote and popularise geography as a curricular subject and as a way of understanding the contemporary world. He aimed at not only educating the people through institutions, but also enlightening the general public through journalism. Consequently, this thesis suggests that his views on education, to which insufficient weight has been given until now, are essential to understanding the intellectual activity of this "forgotten enlightener".</p>


With this thematic issue the editorial board wishes to commemorate this important anniversary. Our objective was not to discuss military history, for we, as the name says, deal with Contemporary military challenges. However, we cannot avoid mentioning certain military topics and facts, as it is rather difficult to assess what we have learnt from the conflicts in the past one hundred years without examining and presenting the framework of certain events. It has been a long and dynamic century. A lot has been written about this period, especially from the security as well as military and defence aspects. World War One and Two were unexpectedly extensive in political, security, defence, economic, societal, geographical and geopolitical sense. The twentieth century was also marked by two other wars: the Cold War and the fight against terrorism. The latter was gradually renamed into combat against terrorism. In Slovenia, however, we came to an agreement that this area in fact refers to counter terrorism. The aforementioned wars were strongly influenced by developments in various fields, such as technology, informatics, civil engineering, logistics, engineering, aviation, armament, transport and so on. A lot of interesting individuals influenced the course of events in this period. It all started with Gavrilo Princip who fired at the heir to the throne Franz Ferdinand on that fatal Sunday, 28 June 1914. This eventually resulted in Austria-Hungary's decision to attack Serbia. A lot of names found their place on the historical timeline; some of them with a positive and others with a negative connotation. For Slovenians, the best symbol of that time is undoubtedly the first Slovenian General Rudolf Maister, even though some generations never even heard of him in school. The times are changing, and so are our views on certain historical memories and the facts related to them. It is therefore appropriate to remember certain things, persons and events, and it is also appropriate to analyse and to assess them in order to learn from them. Especially with the intent of not repeating that which is seen throughout the eyes of the history as wrongful, bad or harmful to an individual, nations, nature, states and the world. As the answer to our question whether we have learnt anything in the past one hundred years, Uroš Tovornik prepared a paper titled The time of the formation of a new world order, in which he claims that modern security issues originate, in particular, from the decisions adopted at the Versailles Peace Conference and the events that followed. In the conclusion, the author sums up that modern geopolitical situation differs substantially from the one a hundred years ago or, on the other hand, resembles it very much. In her paper Chemical weapons – particularity of World War I or a still imminent danger, Valerija Bernik takes us through the history of the use of different types of chemical weapons. The latter were first tested by the Austro-Hungarian soldiers on the Isonzo Front in combat with their Italian opponents. Further on she presents all efforts the international community invests in the prevention and limitation of the use of chemical weapons as well as in protection against them. It is nowadays difficult to imagine that a Slovenian would voluntarily engage in a war far from their homeland and fight in the region that lies on the border between Romania and Bulgaria. Jože Rozman writes about this particularity in his paper titled Military geographical dimension of Dobrogea and (Slovenian) volunteers in this battlefield in World War I. What was once a territory where severe combats took place, is now an area important for the allied forces combating the crisis in Ukraine. In the paper titled Market Garden – the epic and the tragedy of allied paratrooper units in the Netherlands, Mircea Tănase presents and analyses the mentioned allied operation in World War One in detail, assessing what went according to plans and what went wrong. Tănase concludes the paper by stressing the importance of intelligence both in the present and in the future. Viktor Potočnik writes about Slovenian Armed Forces size and character. A lot has already been written, in general, about how many members and which types of units the Slovenian Armed Forces should have. In this paper, the author confronts us with facts. His overview and the calculations are very simple and transparent. Is there anyone among the readers who does not share his opinion and would be willing to write an article about it? In her paper titled Military medical intelligence with limited resources in the case of small countries, Tanja Kremžar Kovač states that essential to this sub-type of intelligence and security activities is the acquisition of data on medical and environmental hazards and the medical capabilities in the international area in which members of the armed forces are engaged. Integrating her experience in the paper, the author also explains why this is an important topic and how this activity takes place. Maja Garb read the book of Thomas R. Mockaitis Soldiers of Misfortune? and wrote a peer review titled The challenges of military and security contracting in Iraq and Afghanistan. With this issue, we conclude the year of important anniversaries, as we have named the year 2014 at the very beginning. We invite you to write on and read about the topics for which we have prepared an open invitation for articles for 2015, which is published on our website http://www.slovenskavojska.si/en/publications/.


Author(s):  
UROŠ TOVORNIK

Članek podaja analizo sprememb v strateškem varnostnem okolju od prve svetovne vojne do danes, ki zaznamuje začetek novega svetovnega reda, ter identificira ponavljajoče se vzorce in zakonitosti v celotnem obdobju, ki so se pojavili kot posledica prve svetovne vojne oziroma dogodkov takoj po njej, in njihovo preslikavo v današnji čas. Avtor trdi, da današnja varnostna vprašanja izvirajo predvsem iz odločitev, sprejetih na versajski mirovni konferenci, in iz dogodkov, ki so ji sledili. Druga svetovna vojna in hladna vojna sta večinoma logični posledici prve svetovne vojne. Ozemeljski spori in mnogi zamrznjeni konflikti v Srednji in Vzhodni Evropi so se ponovno razplamteli takoj po padcu Berlinskega zidu. To območje je ponovno polje geopolitične igre, v katero se vrača združena Nemčija, ki postaja dominantna politična sila v Evropi. S svetovno finančno krizo, ki je oslabila Evropsko unijo, strateško preusmeritvijo ZDA v vzhodno Azijo in na Pacifik ter z nedavno spremembo v varnostnem okolju zaradi krize v Ukrajini in odmika Rusije od Zahoda se nakazujejo težnje strateških premikov v varnostnem okolju. Ali bo to privedlo do novega svetovnega reda, pa je odvisno od naslednjih korakov strateških igralcev in od tega, kakšne so njihove pridobljene in predvsem ponotranjene izkušnje iz preteklega stoletja, ki bi pomagale preprečiti napake, narejene v tem obdobju. The article analyses the continuous change in the geostrategic security environment in Europe since the beginning of the World War I, which marked the beginning of a new world order. It walks us through the major strategic shifts in Europe during the 20th century as a result of World War I in order to identify repetitive patterns and to see how they come into play today. The author argues that the 21st century strategic issues are rooted in the decisions taken at the Versailles Peace Conference and that World War II and the Cold War were, in most parts, the logical consequences of the Great War. Territorial disputes and numerous frozen conflicts, mainly in the Central and Eastern Europe broke up immediately after the fall of the Berlin wall. This region, has been once and again the territory that sparks major geopolitical changes in Europe. Today, the very same region is again the point of departure of a new strategic game, with Germany at its core as the rising dominant power in Europe. The outbreak of the global financial crisis in 2008, which weakened the European Union together with the US pivoting to East Asia and Pacific, and the changed security environment in Europe due to the crisis in Ukraine and Russian geopolitical shift away from Europe, an emerging global strategic shift is shaping. The future will show how and if the strategic players will use the lessons of the past century in order to avoid making the same mistakes.


2018 ◽  
pp. 98-125
Author(s):  
William Cloonan

A critique of American expatriates, mostly veterans of World War I, who turn Europe into a vast American playground. The alleged justification of their behaviour is their traumatic experiences of the Great War which has been over for ten years at the start of the novel. Robert Cohn’s character contrasts with that of his fellow expatriates and sheds light on their affections and sterility. He also represents the condition of post-war literature, severely tried by the realities of the war, but slowly re-establishing its strength and ability to comment meaningfully on the contemporary world.


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