scholarly journals ČAS OBLIKOVANJA NOVEGA SVETOVNEGA REDA

Author(s):  
UROŠ TOVORNIK

Članek podaja analizo sprememb v strateškem varnostnem okolju od prve svetovne vojne do danes, ki zaznamuje začetek novega svetovnega reda, ter identificira ponavljajoče se vzorce in zakonitosti v celotnem obdobju, ki so se pojavili kot posledica prve svetovne vojne oziroma dogodkov takoj po njej, in njihovo preslikavo v današnji čas. Avtor trdi, da današnja varnostna vprašanja izvirajo predvsem iz odločitev, sprejetih na versajski mirovni konferenci, in iz dogodkov, ki so ji sledili. Druga svetovna vojna in hladna vojna sta večinoma logični posledici prve svetovne vojne. Ozemeljski spori in mnogi zamrznjeni konflikti v Srednji in Vzhodni Evropi so se ponovno razplamteli takoj po padcu Berlinskega zidu. To območje je ponovno polje geopolitične igre, v katero se vrača združena Nemčija, ki postaja dominantna politična sila v Evropi. S svetovno finančno krizo, ki je oslabila Evropsko unijo, strateško preusmeritvijo ZDA v vzhodno Azijo in na Pacifik ter z nedavno spremembo v varnostnem okolju zaradi krize v Ukrajini in odmika Rusije od Zahoda se nakazujejo težnje strateških premikov v varnostnem okolju. Ali bo to privedlo do novega svetovnega reda, pa je odvisno od naslednjih korakov strateških igralcev in od tega, kakšne so njihove pridobljene in predvsem ponotranjene izkušnje iz preteklega stoletja, ki bi pomagale preprečiti napake, narejene v tem obdobju. The article analyses the continuous change in the geostrategic security environment in Europe since the beginning of the World War I, which marked the beginning of a new world order. It walks us through the major strategic shifts in Europe during the 20th century as a result of World War I in order to identify repetitive patterns and to see how they come into play today. The author argues that the 21st century strategic issues are rooted in the decisions taken at the Versailles Peace Conference and that World War II and the Cold War were, in most parts, the logical consequences of the Great War. Territorial disputes and numerous frozen conflicts, mainly in the Central and Eastern Europe broke up immediately after the fall of the Berlin wall. This region, has been once and again the territory that sparks major geopolitical changes in Europe. Today, the very same region is again the point of departure of a new strategic game, with Germany at its core as the rising dominant power in Europe. The outbreak of the global financial crisis in 2008, which weakened the European Union together with the US pivoting to East Asia and Pacific, and the changed security environment in Europe due to the crisis in Ukraine and Russian geopolitical shift away from Europe, an emerging global strategic shift is shaping. The future will show how and if the strategic players will use the lessons of the past century in order to avoid making the same mistakes.

Author(s):  
John W. Young ◽  
John Kent

International Relations Since 1945 provides a comprehensive introduction to global political history since World War II. The text has been comprehensively updated to cover the period between 2001 and 2012. Discussing the World Trade Center bombing and concluding with the run-up to the 2012 US presidential elections, a new final section outlines broad developments including the changing world order and the global financial crisis. Three new chapters look at terrorism, the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, and the rise of major new powers including China. Student learning is supported by a range of helpful learning features including biographies of key figures and chronologies of events.


2015 ◽  
Vol 29 (4) ◽  
pp. 419-431 ◽  
Author(s):  
Catherine Weaver

The global financial crisis of 2008 was a reflection point for global economic governance. The crisis, which started in the U.S. banking system and had a disproportionate impact on North America and Europe, provoked widespread contemplation of the legitimacy, relevance, and effectiveness of the core ideas, rules, and structures that have governed the world economy over the past century. In turn, the crisis also illuminated the emergence of new players, power dynamics, and paradigms that promise to challenge—if not fundamentally change—the characteristics of the institutional architecture that has governed international finance, trade, and development since the end of World War II.


2016 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 10-33
Author(s):  
Anita Kurimay

The article examines the historical processes and the motivations of contemporary Hungarian politicians to officially rehabilitate the memory of Cécile Tormay, the internationally acclaimed writer and founder of Hungary’s conservative women’s movement. Through tracing the politics of remembering Tormay since World War II, it demonstrates how Tormay’s recent reemergence as a new national icon was intimately tied to a decisive shift in the direction of Hungarian politics from a pro-Western stance to one that is openly hostile towards Western liberalism. Tormay, part of the ruling elite in the authoritarian interwar Horthy regime, was a fierce anticommunist, antisemite, and staunch nationalist who rallied Hungarians to reclaim territories lost after World War I. Already a national icon, Tormay became a central protagonist of one of the largest interwar political scandals in which she was accused of homosexuality and sleeping with the wives of high aristocrats. Yet, stunningly, neither during the interwar years nor since 1989 has the scandal around her alleged homosexuality stopped centre right and increasingly right wing (Fidesz) and far right (Jobbik) politicians from embracing her as Hungary’s ideal patriotic female figure of the past century. Such a paradox, the article contends, can be explained by these regimes’ different approaches to public and private sexuality. By making Tormay’s private sexuality irrelevant, both the interwar and post-socialist conservative governments could hold up Tormay’s public vision of anticommunism, antisemitism, nationalism, and traditional gender norms as their own.


Author(s):  
John W. Young ◽  
John Kent

International Relations Since 1945 provides a comprehensive introduction to global political history since World War II. The text has been comprehensively updated to cover the period between 2001 and 2012. Discussing the World Trade Center bombing and concluding with the run-up to the 2012 US presidential elections, a new final section outlines broad developments including the changing world order and the global financial crisis. Three new chapters look at terrorism, the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, and the rise of major new powers, including China. Student learning is supported by a range of helpful learning features, including biographies of key figures and chronologies of events.


Author(s):  
Ekaterine Lomia

Throughout the historic development, conflicts have constantly existed in all the countries of the world and every level of society. Civilization’s perpetual struggle for freedom, independence, justice, and self-determination has many times grown into a direct or indirect confrontation between the opposing sides. However, World War I and World War II were one of the major transformative events in the history of the twentieth century, which resulted in the deaths of millions of humans and numerous destructive consequences. Furthermore, the wars and their results have fundamentally changed the World Order in post-war Europe and the US.  The article aims at providing a better understanding of the phenomenon of war, conflict, and intervention. It also seeks to examine their place in contemporary international relations of today. In particular, the article has aimed to analyze a historical overview of the social, political, and cultural conflicts and studies, how it has been transformed in a modern era of the twenty-first century.  The paper is concluded by highlighting the major principles of the UN on war and intervention since the organization is “Based on the principle of the sovereign equality of all its members”. The norms of the Helsinki Final Act and Just War Theory are also highlighted in the context. This study has been prepared as a result of examining articles and books written by many authors who have influential opinions in the field of wars, conflicts, and interventions. The article is particularly helpful to those scholars interested in peace and conflict studies.


Author(s):  
Stathis Kalyvas

Just a few years ago, Greece appeared to be a politically secure nation with a healthy economy. Today, Greece can be found at the center of the economic maelstrom in Europe. Beginning in late 2008, the Greek economy entered a nosedive that would transform it into the European country with the most serious and intractable fiscal problems. Both the deficit and the unemployment rate skyrocketed. Quickly thereafter, Greece edged toward a pre-revolutionary condition, as massive anti-austerity protests punctuated by violence and vandalism spread throughout Greek cities. Greece was certainly not the only country hit hard by the recession, but nevertheless the entire world turned its focus toward it for a simple reason: the possibility of a Greek exit from the European Monetary Union, and its potential to unravel the entire Union, with other weaker members heading for the exits as well. The fate of Greece is inextricably tied up with the global politics surrounding austerity as well. Is austerity rough but necessary medicine, or is it an intellectually bankrupt approach to fiscal policy that causes ruin? Through it all, Greece has staggered from crisis to crisis, and the European central bank’s periodic attempts to prop up its economy fall short in the face of popular recalcitrance and negative economic growth. Though the catalysts for Greece’s current economic crises can be found in the conditions and events of the past few years, one can only understand the factors that helped to transform these crises into a terrible political and social catastrophe by tracing Greece’s development as an independent country over the past two centuries. In Greece: What Everyone Needs to Know, Stathis Kalyvas, an eminent scholar of conflict, Europe, and Greece, begins by elucidating the crisis’s impact on contemporary Greek society. He then shifts his focus to modern Greek history, tracing the nation’s development from the early nineteenth century to the present. Key episodes include the independence movement of the early nineteenth century, the aftermath of World War I (in which Turkey and Greece engaged in a massive mutual ethnic cleansing), the German occupation of World War II, the brutal civil war that followed, the postwar conflict with Turkey over Cyprus, the military coup of 1967, and-finally-democracy and entry into the European Union. The final part of the book will cover the recent crisis in detail. Written by one of the most brilliant political scientists in the academy, Greece is the go-to resource for understanding both the present turmoil and the deeper past that has brought the country to where it is now.


2018 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 25-53
Author(s):  
Antero Holmila ◽  
Pasi Ihalainen

The carnage of World War I gave rise to liberal visions for a new world order with democratized foreign policy and informed international public opinion. Conservatives emphasized continuity in national sovereignty, while socialists focused on the interests of the working class. While British diplomacy in the construction of the League of Nations has been widely discussed, we focus on contemporary uses of nationalism and internationalism in parliamentary and press debates that are more ideological. We also examine how failed internationalist visions influenced uses of these concepts during World War II, supporting alternative organizational solutions, caution with the rhetoric of democracy and public opinion, and ways to reconcile national sovereignty with a new world organization. The United Nations was to guarantee the interests of the leading powers (including the United States), while associations with breakthroughs of democracy were avoided. Nationalism (patriotism) and internationalism were reconciled with less idealism and more pragmatism.


2002 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 89-100 ◽  
Author(s):  
DOUGLAS A. IRWIN

This paper examines the statistical relationship between world trade and world income (GDP) over three different epochs: the pre-World War I era (1870–1913), the interwar era (1920–1938), and the post-World War II era (1950–2000). The results indicate that trade grew slightly more rapidly than income in the late nineteenth century, with little structural change in the trade–income relationship. In the interwar and post-war periods, the trade–income relationship can be divided into different periods due to structural breaks, but since the mid 1980s trade has been more responsive to income than in any other period under consideration. The trade policy regime differed in each period, from the bilateral treaty network in the late nineteenth century to interwar protectionism to post-war GATT/WTO liberalization. The commodity composition of trade has also shifted from primary commodities to manufactured goods over the past century, but the results cannot directly determine the reasons for the increased sensitivity of trade to income.


Cinema’s Military Industrial Complex examines how the American military has used cinema and related visual, sonic, and mobile technologies to further its varied aims. The essays in this book address the way cinema was put to work for purposes of training, orientation, record keeping, internal and external communication, propaganda, research and development, tactical analysis, surveillance, physical and mental health, recreation, and morale. The contributors examine the technologies and types of films that were produced and used in collaboration among the military, film industry, and technology manufacturers. The essays also explore the goals of the American state, which deployed the military and its unique modes of filmmaking, film exhibition, and film viewing to various ends. Together, the essays reveal the military’s deep investment in cinema, which began around World War I, expanded during World War II, continued during the Cold War (including wars in Korea and Vietnam), and still continues in the ongoing War on Terror.


Author(s):  
Mark Franko

This book is an examination of neoclassical ballet initially in the French context before and after World War I (circa 1905–1944) with close attention to dancer and choreographer Serge Lifar. Since the critical discourses analyzed indulged in flights of poetic fancy a distinction is made between the Lifar-image (the dancer on stage and object of discussion by critics), the Lifar-discourse (the writings on Lifar as well as his own discourse), and the Lifar-person (the historical actor). This topic is further developed in the final chapter into a discussion of the so-called baroque dance both as a historical object and as a motif of contemporary experimentation as it emerged in the aftermath of World War II (circa 1947–1991) in France. Using Lifar as a through-line, the book explores the development of critical ideas of neoclassicism in relation to his work and his drift toward a fascist position that can be traced to the influence of Nietzsche on his critical reception. Lifar’s collaborationism during the Occupation confirms this analysis. The discussion of neoclassicism begins in the final years of the nineteenth-century and carries us through the Occupation; then track the baroque in its gradual development from the early 1950s through the end of the 1980s and early 1990s.


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