A study on unpaid work time of Korean married men: Time Use Survey from 1999 to 2014 data

2017 ◽  
Vol 55 ◽  
pp. 181-215
Author(s):  
Jin Wook Kim ◽  
Jin Kwon
Keyword(s):  
Time Use ◽  
Unpaid Work ◽  
Work Time ◽  
Married Men ◽  
Time Use Survey

scholarly journals Factors Contributing to Time Spent on Paid and Unpaid Work: A Regression Analysis of Time Use Survey Data

1970 ◽  
Author(s):  
Suzie Carson ◽  
Frances Krsinich ◽  
Susan Kell
Keyword(s):  
Time Use ◽  
Unpaid Work ◽  
Work Time ◽  
Competing Demands ◽  
Time Use Survey ◽  
New Challenges ◽  
Complex Relationships ◽  
Social Demographic ◽  
Employment Characteristics ◽  
Paid And Unpaid Work

The study of time spent on different activities rather than the study of people can offer new insights as well as new challenges. This paper presents the results from an exploratory analysis of data from the first New Zealand Time Use Survey. Interesting questions arise about the distribution of paid and unpaid work across different groups in society. Of particular interest is how men and women balance the competing demands of paid and unpaid work. This paper is a first attempt at understanding some of the complex relationships between social, demographic and employment characteristics and paid and unpaid work time.

scholarly journals Podział obowiązków w gospodarstwach domowych w Polsce: analiza sezonowości pracy domowej i zawodowej

2020 ◽  
pp. 81-109
Author(s):  
Marta Marszałek
Keyword(s):  
Time Use ◽  
Living Arrangements ◽  
Household Income ◽  
Unpaid Work ◽  
Double Burden ◽  
Time Use Survey ◽  
Household Activities ◽  
Paid And Unpaid Work

The analysis based on data from the Time Use Survey 2013 presents how household activities related to paid and unpaid work are distributed between women and men in Poland. The share of persons involved in selected activities at the defined time is presented. The 24‑hour rhythm of paid and unpaid work refers to weekdays (working days and weekends separately) and months. The analysis covers different groups of households, defined by the source of income and household living arrangements. The results confirm the hypothesis about double burden of women imposed by the asymmetric allocation of household duties between women and men, irrespectively of the source of household income. They also demonstrate how living arrangements contribute to the differences in paid and unpaid work of women and men.

Gendered perceptions of workaholism and the gender gap in parenting time

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tom Buchanan ◽  
Adian McFarlane ◽  
Anupam Das
Keyword(s):  
Gender Gap ◽  
Time Use ◽  
Opportunity Cost ◽  
Opportunity Costs ◽  
Market Work ◽  
Work Time ◽  
Mothers And Fathers ◽  
Time Use Survey ◽  
Household Labour ◽  
Gendered Expectations

We use the 2015 Canadian time-use survey to analyse predictors of workaholism and the gender gap in parenting time. For mothers, both parenting time and market work are predictive of self-reporting workaholism. Workaholic mothers do not spend less time parenting as their market work increases. These levels remain higher at each level than workaholic fathers and non-workaholic mothers and fathers. This suggests increased market work time does not result in any reduction of relative levels of parenting time. Along with entrenched gendered expectations, mothers may perceive an opportunity cost of sacrificing parenting time for market work. Workaholic mothers do report reduced household labour hours. Accounting for characteristic differences between workaholic mothers and fathers leaves more unexplained than explained. Implications are discussed within the framework of gender and opportunity costs.

How the type of working day affects work–life balance and mealtime balance: A study based on the time use survey

2020 ◽  
Vol 29 (4) ◽  
pp. 1082-1103
Author(s):  
Ángel Alonso-Domínguez ◽  
Javier Callejo ◽  
Cecilia Díaz-Méndez
Keyword(s):  
Time Use ◽  
Family Life ◽  
Family Care ◽  
Work And Family ◽  
Unpaid Work ◽  
Gender Inequalities ◽  
Time Use Survey ◽  
Working Day ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Paid And Unpaid Work

How people balance work and personal or family life has been widely examined, showing gender inequalities that put women at a disadvantage relative to men. However, although this is a question of time compatibility, there has been no research on whether the type of working day (continuous or split) has different effects on this balance for men and women. The Time Use Survey enables us to examine this balance in two areas that are key to understanding the difficulty of reconciling timetables. On the one hand, there is the relationship between the type of working day and housework or family care (balance between paid and unpaid work). On the other hand, there is the relationship between the type of working day and eating (mealtime balance). The data indicate that the type of working day affects the balance between paid and unpaid work less than might be expected, since in all cases, it is women who do more unpaid work, while men’s involvement in housework changes little, whether they have a continuous or a split working day. However, the continuous working day is more favourable to balancing work and family life. In contrast, work–mealtime balance is a cultural feature that equalises both sexes in relation to an established habit that encourages sharing time outside work. We can thus speak of shared (non-work) time and unshared (unpaid) work.

Is there Really a Second Shift, and if so, who does it? A Time-Diary Investigation

2007 ◽  
Vol 86 (1) ◽  
pp. 149-170 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lyn Craig
Keyword(s):  
Time Use ◽  
Unpaid Work ◽  
Work Activity ◽  
Time Use Survey ◽  
Unpaid Labour ◽  
Second Shift ◽  
Dual Burden ◽  
Australian Bureau Of Statistics ◽  
Household Labour ◽  
Paid And Unpaid Work

This paper draws on data from the most recent Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS) Time Use Survey ( TUS) (over 4,000 randomly selected households) to tease out the dimensions of the ‘second shift’. Predictions that as women entered the paid workforce men would contribute more to household labour have largely failed to eventuate. This underpins the view that women are working a second shift because they are shouldering a dual burden of paid and unpaid work. However, time use research seems to show that when both paid and unpaid work is counted, male and female workloads are in total very similar. This has led to suggestions that a literal second shift is a myth; that it exists in the sense that women do more domestic work than men, but not in the sense that they work longer hours in total. Using a more accurate and telling measure of workload than previous research (paid and unpaid labour including multitasked activities), this paper explores the second shift and how it relates to family configuration, ethnicity and indicators of class and socioeconomic standing. It finds a clear disparity between the total workloads of mothers and fathers, much of which consists of simultaneous (secondary) activity, and some demographic differences in female (but not male) total workloads. It concludes that the view that the second shift is a myth is only sustainable by averaging social groups very broadly and by excluding multitasking from the measurement of total work activity.

scholarly journals Assessing the value of household work based on wages demanded on online platforms for substitutes

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Simona Jokubauskaitė ◽  
Alyssa Schneebaum
Keyword(s):  
Survey Data ◽  
Time Use ◽  
Opportunity Cost ◽  
Wage Rate ◽  
Economic Value ◽  
Household Work ◽  
Improved Method ◽  
A Value ◽  
Online Platforms ◽  
Time Use Survey

AbstractWe propose an improved method to assess the economic value of unpaid housework and childcare. Existing literature has typically assigned a minimum, generalist or specialist’s wage, or the performer’s opportunity cost to the hourly value of these activities. Then it was used to calculate macro-level value based on the number of hours spent in this work. In this paper, instead of imputing an average or minimum wage for housework and childcare to determine a value to the work, we use the actual local wage rate requested for these services from providers on online platforms. Applying this method to Austrian Time Use Survey data shows that the value of unpaid childcare and housework, had it been paid, would be equivalent to about 22% of the 2018 GDP.

scholarly journals Sleep Duration and Waking Activities in Relation to the National Sleep Foundation’s Recommendations: An Analysis of US Population Sleep Patterns from 2015 to 2017

2021 ◽  
Vol 18 (11) ◽  
pp. 6154
Author(s):  
Michael Osei Mireku ◽  
Alina Rodriguez
Keyword(s):  
Sleep Duration ◽  
Time Use ◽  
Variance Estimation ◽  
Estimation Method ◽  
Short Sleep Duration ◽  
Weighted Estimates ◽  
American Time Use Survey ◽  
Increased Risk ◽  
The Us ◽  
Time Use Survey

The objective was to investigate the association between time spent on waking activities and nonaligned sleep duration in a representative sample of the US population. We analysed time use data from the American Time Use Survey (ATUS), 2015–2017 (N = 31,621). National Sleep Foundation (NSF) age-specific sleep recommendations were used to define recommended (aligned) sleep duration. The balanced, repeated, replicate variance estimation method was applied to the ATUS data to calculate weighted estimates. Less than half of the US population had a sleep duration that mapped onto the NSF recommendations, and alignment was higher on weekdays (45%) than at weekends (33%). The proportion sleeping longer than the recommended duration was higher than those sleeping shorter on both weekdays and weekends (p < 0.001). Time spent on work, personal care, socialising, travel, TV watching, education, and total screen time was associated with nonalignment to the sleep recommendations. In comparison to the appropriate recommended sleep group, those with a too-short sleep duration spent more time on work, travel, socialising, relaxing, and leisure. By contrast, those who slept too long spent relatively less time on each of these activities. The findings indicate that sleep duration among the US population does not map onto the NSF sleep recommendations, mostly because of a higher proportion of long sleepers compared to short sleepers. More time spent on work, travel, and socialising and relaxing activities is strongly associated with an increased risk of nonalignment to NSF sleep duration recommendations.

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