scholarly journals Factors Contributing to Time Spent on Paid and Unpaid Work: A Regression Analysis of Time Use Survey Data

Author(s):  
Suzie Carson ◽  
Frances Krsinich ◽  
Susan Kell

The study of time spent on different activities rather than the study of people can offer new insights as well as new challenges. This paper presents the results from an exploratory analysis of data from the first New Zealand Time Use Survey. Interesting questions arise about the distribution of paid and unpaid work across different groups in society. Of particular interest is how men and women balance the competing demands of paid and unpaid work. This paper is a first attempt at understanding some of the complex relationships between social, demographic and employment characteristics and paid and unpaid work time.

2020 ◽  
pp. 81-109
Author(s):  
Marta Marszałek

The analysis based on data from the Time Use Survey 2013 presents how household activities related to paid and unpaid work are distributed between women and men in Poland. The share of persons involved in selected activities at the defined time is presented. The 24‑hour rhythm of paid and unpaid work refers to weekdays (working days and weekends separately) and months. The analysis covers different groups of households, defined by the source of income and household living arrangements. The results confirm the hypothesis about double burden of women imposed by the asymmetric allocation of household duties between women and men, irrespectively of the source of household income. They also demonstrate how living arrangements contribute to the differences in paid and unpaid work of women and men.


2020 ◽  
Vol 29 (4) ◽  
pp. 1082-1103
Author(s):  
Ángel Alonso-Domínguez ◽  
Javier Callejo ◽  
Cecilia Díaz-Méndez

How people balance work and personal or family life has been widely examined, showing gender inequalities that put women at a disadvantage relative to men. However, although this is a question of time compatibility, there has been no research on whether the type of working day (continuous or split) has different effects on this balance for men and women. The Time Use Survey enables us to examine this balance in two areas that are key to understanding the difficulty of reconciling timetables. On the one hand, there is the relationship between the type of working day and housework or family care (balance between paid and unpaid work). On the other hand, there is the relationship between the type of working day and eating (mealtime balance). The data indicate that the type of working day affects the balance between paid and unpaid work less than might be expected, since in all cases, it is women who do more unpaid work, while men’s involvement in housework changes little, whether they have a continuous or a split working day. However, the continuous working day is more favourable to balancing work and family life. In contrast, work–mealtime balance is a cultural feature that equalises both sexes in relation to an established habit that encourages sharing time outside work. We can thus speak of shared (non-work) time and unshared (unpaid) work.


2007 ◽  
Vol 86 (1) ◽  
pp. 149-170 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lyn Craig

This paper draws on data from the most recent Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS) Time Use Survey ( TUS) (over 4,000 randomly selected households) to tease out the dimensions of the ‘second shift’. Predictions that as women entered the paid workforce men would contribute more to household labour have largely failed to eventuate. This underpins the view that women are working a second shift because they are shouldering a dual burden of paid and unpaid work. However, time use research seems to show that when both paid and unpaid work is counted, male and female workloads are in total very similar. This has led to suggestions that a literal second shift is a myth; that it exists in the sense that women do more domestic work than men, but not in the sense that they work longer hours in total. Using a more accurate and telling measure of workload than previous research (paid and unpaid labour including multitasked activities), this paper explores the second shift and how it relates to family configuration, ethnicity and indicators of class and socioeconomic standing. It finds a clear disparity between the total workloads of mothers and fathers, much of which consists of simultaneous (secondary) activity, and some demographic differences in female (but not male) total workloads. It concludes that the view that the second shift is a myth is only sustainable by averaging social groups very broadly and by excluding multitasking from the measurement of total work activity.


1997 ◽  
Vol 6 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 131-149 ◽  
Author(s):  
Linda Hantrais ◽  
Marie-Thérèse Letablier

2016 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Corina Rodríguez Enríquez

AbstractTime has become a valuable asset within capitalism. “Time is money” is a well known and usually shared principle. As in regard to many other type of assets, the distribution of time is pretty unfair, as well as it is the value consideration of the time allocated for different people to different activities. The distribution of time, as well as what people can or cannot do with their time, is a key issue among feminist debates. The main argument is that time allocation to paid and unpaid work is very different and unfair between genders. Women allocate much more time to unpaid work, and men, on the contrary allocate much more time to paid work. This has a reasonable and direct consequence in terms of income generation. This unequal distribution of time (and work) represents the main obstacle to women’s economic autonomy and to overcome gender income gaps.


Author(s):  
Axel Schaffer ◽  
Carsten Stahmer

SummaryThe traditional Gross Domestic Product (GDP) reflects the money value of the annual economic output produced by the domestic industries’ employees. Thus, the GDP fully accounts for paid work. In contrast, unpaid work remains unconsidered. However, measured in time units, unpaid work clearly exceeds paid work. Therefore, societies rely likewise on paid and unpaid work. The study at hand identifies women’s and men’s volume of paid and unpaid work in time units and money values. For this purpose, German time use data are combined with the traditional monetary input-output table (IOT) for the year 2000 and its inverse matrix. While the IOT provides information about the industries’ direct and indirect contributions to traditional GDP, time use data determine the gender-specific paid and unpaid workload. Thus, women’s and men’s share in an extended GDP, defined as the sum of traditional GDP and household production, can be given.Finally the genders’ level of qualification is taken into account. This, in turn, allows for a more precise identification of the gender-specific quality of work.


2005 ◽  
Vol 26 (7) ◽  
pp. 924-946 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roderic Beaujot ◽  
Jianye Liu

Models of time use need to consider especially the reproductive and productive activities of women and men. For husband-wife families, the breadwinner, one-earner, or complementary-roles model has advantages in terms of efficiency or specialization and stability; however, it is a high-risk model for women and children. The alternate model has been called two-earner, companionship, “new families,” or collaborative in the sense of spouses collaborating in the paid and unpaid work needed to provide for and care for the family. Adopting the common metric of time use to study paid and unpaid work, we find that the complementary-roles model remains the most common, and the “double burden” is the second most frequent; however, there is some evidence of change in the direction of shared-roles arrangements, especially for younger couples with children, when both are employed full-time.


Author(s):  
Tom Buchanan ◽  
Adian McFarlane ◽  
Anupam Das

We use the 2015 Canadian time-use survey to analyse predictors of workaholism and the gender gap in parenting time. For mothers, both parenting time and market work are predictive of self-reporting workaholism. Workaholic mothers do not spend less time parenting as their market work increases. These levels remain higher at each level than workaholic fathers and non-workaholic mothers and fathers. This suggests increased market work time does not result in any reduction of relative levels of parenting time. Along with entrenched gendered expectations, mothers may perceive an opportunity cost of sacrificing parenting time for market work. Workaholic mothers do report reduced household labour hours. Accounting for characteristic differences between workaholic mothers and fathers leaves more unexplained than explained. Implications are discussed within the framework of gender and opportunity costs.


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