The Development of Monastic Terminology and the Legislative Definition of the Monkish Status

Istoriya ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (5 (103)) ◽  
pp. 0
Author(s):  
Anna Vankova

The article deals with the relationship between the development of new appeared monastic terminology and the definition of the status of monasticism by the Church and the early Byzantine state. Or otherwise, it tries to tell when the process of institutionalization began, what vocabulary was used in this process, when the use of the “classical” monastic terminology in laws and canons began, how the emergence of new terminology and the development of status were distributed over time. The study is divided into two parts: monks and nuns. The time frame of the study is the fourth century and the first half of the fifth century. The geographical framework is the Late Roman Empire, mainly its Eastern half. The following conclusions have been drawn: the making of the status of male monasticism occurred a hundred years after its appearance, the laws almost immediately began to use the most common in the papyri and monastic literature term monachus, which gives evidence of the distinct definition of a new social group, but the establishment of the status of female monasticism was extremely slow, the laws and canons practically not using the new terms, which reflects the diversity of female asceticism even in the 5th century.

Author(s):  
David Petts

This chapter reviews the evidence for the archaeology of early Christianity in Britain and Ireland. Here, the church had its origins in the areas that lay within the Roman Empire in the fourth century but rapidly expanded north and west in the early fifth century following the end of Roman rule. The evidence for church structures is limited and often ambiguous, with securely identifiable sites not appearing to any extent until the seventh century. There is a range of material culture that can be linked to the early church from the fourth to the seventh centuries; in particular, there are strong traditions of epigraphy and increasingly decorative stone carving from most areas. The conversion to Christianity also impacted burial rites, although the relationship between belief and mortuary traditions is not a simple one.


Vox Patrum ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 63 ◽  
pp. 353-373
Author(s):  
Andrzej Hołasek

At the beginning of the fourth century the legal situation of Christians in the Roman Empire changed dramatically. Thanks to the Emperor Constantine they were no longer persecuted, and their faith became religio licita. From that point onwards the views of Christians on the state began to evolve. It was a long-term process, and happened at a varied pace. One of the aspects of this transformation was the change of Christian attitude to military service. It needs to be said that, from this perspective, the Church legislative sources have not been examined in a great detail. This article aims to take a closer look at several of the sources that include Church regulations relating to military service of the fourth and fifth cen­turies. These include, i.a., Canons of Hippolytus; Letters of St. Basil; Apostolic Constitutions and Canons of the Apostles. In addition, the article discusses the rel­evant contents of synodal and council canons from said period. These regulations show the adaptation of Church legislature to the new circumstances, in which the Roman state stopped being the persecutor and became the protector of Christianity. The analysis of numerous documents confirms that Christians were present in the Roman army already in the third century. Because of the spilling of blood and the pagan rites performed in the army, the Church hierarchs strongly resisted the idea of allowing Christians to serve in the military. Church regulations from the third century strictly forbade enlisting in the army, or continuing military service for those who were newly accepted into the community, for the reasons mentioned above. From other documents, however, we learn that the number of Christians in the army was nonetheless increasing. Many were able to reconcile military service with their conscience. At the beginning of the fourth century emperor Constantine granted Christians religious freedom. He allowed Christian soldiers to abstain from invoking pagan gods while swearing military oath (sacramentum), and to participate in Sunday services. The empire was slowly becoming a Christian state. It is for this reason that in the Church regulations from the fourth and fifth century we find accep­tance for the presence of Christians in the army. Even though killing of an enemy required undertaking penance, it was no longer a reason for excommunication with no possibility of returning to the Christian communion. The Church expected Christian soldiers to be satisfied with their wages alone, and to avoid harming oth­ers through stealing, forced lodging or taking food. The Church in the East no lon­ger considered it wrong to accept gifts for the upkeep of clergy and other faithful from the soldiers who behaved in a correct manner. From the mid-fourth century performing religious services started being treated as separate from performing a layperson’s duties. For this reason the bishops, in both parts of the empire, de­cided that clergy are barred from military service. In the West, those of the faithful who enlisted with the army after being baptised could no longer be consecrated in the future. In the East, the approach was less rigorous, as the case of Nectarius, the Archbishop of Constantinople, shows. By the end of the fourth century, the West adopted very strict rules of public penance for soldiers – the Popes reminded in their letters to the bishops in Spain and Gaul that after performing the public pen­ance, the soldiers were forbidden to return to the army. We should not forget that the change in the attitude of the Church to military service was also affected by the political-military situation of the Empire. During the fourth and fifth centuries its borderlands were persistently harassed by barbar­ian raids, and the Persian border was threatened. Let us also remember that the army was not popular in the Roman society during this period. For these reasons, the shifting position of the Church had to be positively seen by the Empire’s ruling elites. The situation became dramatic at the beginning of the fifth century, when Rome was sacked by barbarians. Developing events caused the clergy to deepen their reflections on the necessity of waging war and killing enemies. Among such clergymen was St. Augustine, in whose writings we may find a justification of the so-called just war. Meanwhile, in the East, the view that wars can be won only with God’s help began to dominate.


Author(s):  
Daniele Miano

This chapter considers the relationship between Fortuna and Tyche as one of translatability. The first half of the chapter focuses on Tyche, with the aim of determining semantic and structural elements common with Fortuna. The second part of the chapter looks at instances in which Fortuna is translated in Greek. The appearance of bronze strigils bearing the epithet soteira from Praeneste in the fourth century BC seems to presuppose this translation, and also points to the salvific meanings of Fortuna as a base for the process of translation. This process of translation had probably occurred through early contacts between Latium, Sicily, and Magna Graecia, where Tyche seems to be associated with salvation already from the fifth century BC. Other instances of translations of Fortuna and Tyche are studied across the Aegean.


2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ilenia Caleo

Language "is a place of struggle," says bell hooks. The relationship between art and feminism is complex and stratified, for this reason the definition of "feminist art" is tricky. I attempt here a recognition of theoretical landmarks and epistemologies come forth in the debate that examined the intersection between artistic practices and experiments of feminist policies, from the historical speeches of Nochlin, Pollock, Phelan to the Italian anomaly marked by Carla Lonzi’s eccentric work, up to to the most recent openings. From this scheme, questions active at present appear, relating to the patriarchal myth of authorship, to the status of the work, to the invisibility of material processes and to cultural appropriation. The prospect is one of a thought of practices destabilizing the canon through strategies of decolonization, countercultural practices, "positional geographies" and new epistemologies.


Traditio ◽  
1993 ◽  
Vol 48 ◽  
pp. 1-29 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew Gillett

Olympiodorus of Thebes is an important figure for the history of late antiquity. The few details of his life preserved as anecdotes in hisHistorygive glimpses of a career which embraced the skills of poet, philosopher, and diplomat. A native of Egypt, he had influence at the imperial court of Constantinople, among the sophists of Athens, and even outside the borders of the empire. HisHistory(more correctly, his “materials for history”) is lost, surviving only as fragments in the narratives of Zosimus, Sozomen, and Philostorgius, and in the rich summary given by the ninth-century Byzantine patriarch Photius. These remains comprise the most substantial narrative sources for events in the western Roman Empire in the early fifth century. Besides its value as a source, theHistoryis important as a monument to the vitality of the belief in the unity of the Roman Empire under the Theodosian dynasty. Olympiodorus wrote in Greek, and knowledge of his work is attested only in Constantinople, yet his political narrative, from 407 to 425, concerns only events in the western half of the empire. To understand the significance of these facts, it is necessary to set the composition of Olympiodorus's work in its proper context. Clarifying the date of publication is the first step toward this goal. Internal and external evidence suggests that the work was written in 440 or soon after, more than a decade later than the date of composition usually accepted. Taken with thematic emphases evident in the structure of theHistory, this revised dating explains why an eastern writer should have written a detailed account of western events in the early part of the century. Olympiodorus's account is a characteristic product of the highly literate class of eastern imperial civil servants, and of their genuine preoccupation with the relationship between the eastern and western halves of the Roman Empire at a time when both were threatened by the rise of the new Carthaginian power of the Vandals.


2012 ◽  
Vol 40 (126) ◽  
pp. 43
Author(s):  
Lorenz B. Puntel

Este artigo responde pormenorizadamente às críticas feitas por G. Imaguire em sua resenha do livro indicado no título (= ES). Trata-se principalmente de nove temas respectivamente teses de caráter central para a concepção exposta no livro. O presente artigo analisa cada um destes temas, em parte corrigindo erros de apresentação e de interpretação e em todos os casos respondendo às objeções de Imaguire. Trata-se dos seguintes temas/teses: (1) Para esclarecer o estatuto das sentenças filosóficas, ES propõe uma teoria dos três operadores que explicitam o caráter de sentenças: são estes o operador teórico, o operador prático e o operador estético. O artigo esclarece o sentido exato desta teoria. (2) ES apresenta uma nova definição de saber/conhecimento em oposição direta à já famosa definição “knowledge is true justified belief” articulada por E. Gettier. (3) ES defende uma concepção de orientação ontológica das estruturas formais fundamentais (lógicas e matemáticas); estas são esclarecidas. (4) Em ES é exposta e defendida uma nova concepção de ontologia em perfeita conformidade com a semântica de uma linguagem filosófica transparente; esta ontologia exclui o conceito de “substância” e critica o uso do conceito de “objeto”. (5) ES expõe uma nova teoria semântico-ontológica da verdade que tem como consequência um relativismo moderado da verdade. (6) ES formula um argumento muito especial contra o fisicalismo; o artigo explica pormenorizadamente este argumento. (7) A concepção exposta em ES afirma que o cristianismo, em virtude do caráter racional e teórico da teologia que o explicita, constitui, em oposição a outras religiões, uma temática com prioridade de importância e atenção para o filósofo sistemático. Neste artigo esta tese é explicada e defendida contra interpretações erradas. (8) O oitavo tema é a grande questão posta pelo conceito de mundo no contexto das relações entre teorias filosóficas e teorias científicas. O artigo esclarece uma série de mal-entendidos a respeito deste grande tema. (9) Finalmente, com relação a um argumento-chave que ES apresenta para fundamentar a tese que, por razões sistemáticas, se deve admitir uma dimensão absolutamente necessária do Ser, o artigo demonstra que a resenha comete um muito grave erro de interpretação, baseando neste erro uma crítica infundada ao argumento. O artigo esclarece extensamente o argumento, suas pressuposições e suas consequências.Abstract: This article is a detailed answer to G. Imaguire’s criticisms of the book Structure and Being: A Theoretical Framework for a Systematic Philosophy (hence referred as ES). Imaguire focuses on nine topics that are central to the book. The present article analyses each one of these theses, sometimes correcting errors made and misrepresentations introduced by Imaguire, and in all cases, responding to Imaguire’s objections. The theses are the following: (1) In order to clarify the status of theoretical sentences occurring in philosophical works, ES presents a theory about the three operators that make explicit the statuses of three mutually irreducible kinds of sentence: the theoretical operator, the practical operator, and the aesthetic operator. (2) ES offers a new definition of knowledge in significant opposition to the now-famous definition formulated by E. Gettier, “knowledge is true justified belief.” (3) ES defends an ontologically oriented conception of the fundamental formal (logical and mathematical) structures. (4) In ES, a new ontology is propounded in strong conformity with the semantics of a transparent philosophical language. This ontology rejects the category of substance and criticizes the widely used concept of object. (5) ES presents a completely new semantico-ontological theory of truth. One of its consequences is a moderate relativism with respect to truth. (6) ES presents a unique argument against physicalism; this article elaborates on it. (7) ES considers the phenomenon of religion and states that, due to its rational and theoretical theology, Christian religion, in opposition to other religions, provides a uniquely promising resource for philosophical considerations. (8) ES extensively thematizes the concept of world in connection with the problem of the relationship between philosophy and science. (9) Finally, ES develops the main features of a theory of Being as such and as a whole. ES offers especially an important argument on behalf of the thesis that the universal dimension of Being must be conceived of as two-dimensional: as the dimension of absolutely necessary Being and the dimension of contingent beings. This article reconstructs the exact meaning of the argument and explains its presuppositions and consequences.


2011 ◽  
Vol 47 ◽  
pp. 19-28
Author(s):  
Pak-Wah Lai

By the time Augustine read the Life of Antony in 386, the biography had already become an international best seller in the Roman Empire. Translated twice into Latin and read in places as far off as Milan and Syrian Antioch, the Egyptian Life also proved to be a significant influence upon hagiographical writing in the late fourth century, the most notable example being the Lives of St Jerome. Consequently, scholars have often taken it to represent the dominant paradigm for sainthood in fourth-century Christianity and the centuries that followed. But is this assumption tenable? The Life of Antony would in all likelihood be read only by the educated elite or by ascetic circles in the Church, and was hardly accessible to the ordinary Christian. More importantly, hagiographical discourse in the fourth century was not restricted to biographies, but pervaded all sorts of Christian literature. This is certainly the case with the writings of St John Chrysostom (c. 349—407), who often presents the Christian monk as a saintly figure in his monastic treatises and his voluminous homilies. Indeed, what emerges from his writings is a paradigmatic saint who is significantly different from that portrayed in the biographies, and yet equally influential among his lay and ascetic audiences. To be sure, Chrysostom’s monastic portraits share some common features with that provided by Athanasius’s Life. Nevertheless, there are also stark differences between the two, and these are the focus of this paper.


2008 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 229-245
Author(s):  
Christian M. Billing

In this article, Christian M. Billing considers the relationship between representations of mythic narratives found on ancient pottery (primarily found at sites relating to the Greek colonies of south Italy in the fourth century BC, but also to certain vases found in Attica) and the tragic theatre of the fifth century BC. The author argues against the current resurgence in critical accounts that seek to connect such ceramics directly to performance of tragedies by the major tragedians: Aeschylus, Sophocles, and Euripides. Using five significant examples of what he considers to be errors of method in recent philologically inspired accounts of ancient pottery, Billing argues for a more nuanced approach to the interpretation of such artefacts – one that moves beyond an understanding of literary texts and art history towards a more performance-conscious approach, while also acknowledging that a multiplicity of spheres of artistic influence, drawn from a variety of artistic media, operated in the production and reception of such artefacts. Christian M. Billing is an academic and theatre practitioner working in the fields of ancient Athenian and early modern English and European drama. He has extensive experience as a director, designer, and actor, and has taught at a number of universities in the UK and the USA. He is currently Lecturer in Drama at the University of Hull.


Traditio ◽  
1947 ◽  
Vol 5 ◽  
pp. 59-77 ◽  
Author(s):  
Francis X. Murphy

Thanks to several biographical studies based on Cardinal Rampolla's monumental Santa Melania giuniore, senatrice Romana, the history of the early-fifth-century heiress and ascetic, Melania the Younger, is fairly well known. Her grandmother, Melania the Elder was an even more notable figure in the history of the Church during the second half of the fourth century. She is of particular importance in tracing the history of late-fourth-century asceticism and monasticism. Round her career, in a way, revolve many of the historical and chronological problems in connection with Jerome and Rufinus of Aquileia, Paulinus of Nola and Severus Sulpicius. Details of her travels are our surest approach to datings and to the authenticity of much of the material found in Palladius' Lausiac History. At the same time, she was an extremely interesting, well-travelled, and forceful figure coming at the apex of the western patristic period. Hence her career bears pointed scrutiny.


1971 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-64 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Hill ◽  
André Rousseau

Ideal types of forms of Christian organisation have proved fruitful in the Sociology of Religion, and a review of the main features of types in this area suggests that religious orders may be analysed in this way. Starting from a definition of the basic theological concepts — ascetism, monasticism and dif ferent uses of the term « religious order » — an ideal type of the religious order is constructed which shows the main features of such organizations and the relationship between them and the wider organization of the Church, of which they form part. As a result of comparison with Wilson's ideal type of the sect, certain parallels are revealed which suggest that the order may be considered as to some extent a « sect within a church », and this interpretation is elaborated using historical and theological literature. Further points of com parison are also noted and the most crucial differences between sects and orders are likewise pointed out. The main distinction noted is that the order only exists as part of a church, while the sect exists for its own members only.


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