scholarly journals Peacekeeping in a changing world at the turn of the century

nauka.me ◽  
2017 ◽  
pp. 0
Author(s):  
Victoria Zagitova

Political processes have been challenged since the the late twentieth century as many new actors have been involved in the international relations. As a result, a definition of peacekeeping has been considerably changed compared to what was laid down in the UN Charter by the countries-founders. The globalization and technological development have influenced the transformation of peacekeeping. Meanwhile, the tendency of using military force to maintain peace is increasing. What is peacekeeping now, and could it be considered as an effective tool of peace maintenance and conflict prevention throughout the world?

2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 52-79
Author(s):  
V. T. Yungblud

The Yalta-Potsdam system of international relations, established by culmination of World War II, was created to maintain the security and cooperation of states in the post-war world. Leaders of the Big Three, who ensured the Victory over the fascist-militarist bloc in 1945, made decisive contribution to its creation. This system cemented the world order during the Cold War years until the collapse of the USSR in 1991 and the destruction of the bipolar structure of the organization of international relations. Post-Cold War changes stimulated the search for new structures of the international order. Article purpose is to characterize circumstances of foundations formation of postwar world and to show how the historical decisions made by the leaders of the anti-Hitler coalition powers in 1945 are projected onto modern political processes. Study focuses on interrelated questions: what was the post-war world order and how integral it was? How did the political decisions of 1945 affect the origins of the Cold War? Does the American-centrist international order, that prevailed at the end of the 20th century, genetically linked to the Atlantic Charter and the goals of the anti- Hitler coalition in the war, have a future?Many elements of the Yalta-Potsdam system of international relations in the 1990s survived and proved their viability. The end of the Cold War and globalization created conditions for widespread democracy in the world. The liberal system of international relations, which expanded in the late XX - early XXI century, is currently experiencing a crisis. It will be necessary to strengthen existing international institutions that ensure stability and security, primarily to create barriers to the spread of national egoism, radicalism and international terrorism, for have a chance to continue the liberal principles based world order (not necessarily within a unipolar system). Prerequisite for promoting idea of a liberal system of international relations is the adjustment of liberalism as such, refusal to unilaterally impose its principles on peoples with a different set of values. This will also require that all main participants in modern in-ternational life be able to develop a unilateral agenda for common problems and interstate relations, interact in a dialogue mode, delving into the arguments of opponents and taking into account their vital interests.


1996 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 239-273
Author(s):  
Constance Lever-Tracy ◽  
David Ip

This article explores two new and related phenomena of the late twentieth century that will surely play a major role in shaping the world of the twenty-first: the economic development and opening up of China, and the emergence onto the world economic stage of diaspora Chinese businesses, producing a significant, identifiably Chinese current within global capitalism. Each of these has, we believe, been crucial and perhaps indispensable to the other.


1997 ◽  
Vol 73 (2) ◽  
pp. 256
Author(s):  
Frank Hodges ◽  
R. J. Johnston ◽  
Peter J. Taylor ◽  
Michael J. Watts

Urban History ◽  
1991 ◽  
Vol 18 ◽  
pp. 41-59
Author(s):  
Carl Abbott

The popularization of ‘World City’ as an analytical concept dates to 1966. Taking up a term introduced fifty years earlier by Patrick Geddes, Peter Hall's now classic description ofThe World Citiesexplored the evolution of a handful of key urban areas from national into global roles and functions. The original emphasis on size and comprehensive economic functins has since been extended by the argument that a distinct class of global cities are a characteristic product of the technologies and economy of the late twentieth century. As well, such cities are thought to embrace common spatial forms that respond to a specific balance of centralizing and decentralizing tendencies in the location of commercial, financial, and manufacturing industries.


Author(s):  
Leonhardt van Efferink

Since the term geopolitics was coined in 1899 it has had many different meanings. They all evolve around its two parts, “geo” and “politics.” Dealing with the possible meanings requires a thorough understanding of what distinguishes them from one another. First, “geo” can denote various geographic aspects, such as space, soil, or territory. More specifically, it can denote geographic conditions, such as the presence of natural resources in a bounded area. Whether geography should be considered a static or a dynamic factor has also been subject to debate. Furthermore, “politics” generally concerns factors that are related to power, such as foreign policy, international relations, and military strategy. Here the discussion has been fueled by different views on the relative importance of states vis-à-vis nonstate actors. Causality and its intensity is another cause of disagreement, with some arguing that geography is decisive for political outcomes (geographic determinism). An alternative view is that geographic and political processes mutually influence each other. Finally, intellectual discord has originated in the descriptive, prescriptive, and predictive possibilities of geopolitical research. Are experts in the field capable of analyzing the interaction between geography and politics objectively? Is it desirable that these experts are involved in formulating policy advice? And is a geopolitical specialist able to produce reliable forecasts? These perspectives explain why one widely accepted definition of “geopolitics” does not exist. As a working definition for this contribution, the study of the ways space and power are linked would be appropriate. Please note that this bibliography concerns publications in English, French, German, and Dutch.


Author(s):  
Karen Lyons ◽  
Nathalie Huegler

The term social exclusion achieved widespread use in Europe from the late twentieth century. Its value as a concept that is different from poverty, with universal relevance, has since been debated. It is used in Western literature about international development, and some authors have linked it to the notion of capabilities. However, it is not widely used in the social work vocabulary. Conversely, the notion of social inclusion has gained in usage and application. This links with values that underlie promotion of empowerment and participation, whether of individuals, groups, or communities. Both terms are inextricably linked to the realities of inequalities within and between societies and to the principles of human rights and social justice that feature in the international definition of social work.


2015 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 231-254 ◽  
Author(s):  
ANDREW LANG

AbstractIn this article, I suggest that one of the central characteristics of New Legal Realism is the productive tension between empiricist and pragmatist theories of knowledge which lies at its core. On one side, new realist work in its empiricist posture seeks to use empirical knowledge of the world as the basis on which to design, interpret, apply, and criticize the law. On the other, in its pragmatist moments, it explicitly draws attention to the social and political contingency of any claims to empirical knowledge of the world, including its own. As a consequence, it is distinctive of much scholarship in the New Legal Realist vein that it continually enacts creative syntheses of different philosophies of truth in an attempt to be, in Shaffer's words, ‘positivist . . . interpretivist, and legal realist all at once’. The first part of this article draws on existing historical accounts of legal realism briefly to trace the problematic and ambiguous place of scientism in the legal realist tradition. Then, in the second and more important part of the article, I argue that the ambivalence of the legal realists’ vision has left us, in certain contexts, with a complicated form of mixed legal-scientific governance which has proved remarkably and surprisingly resilient in the face of late twentieth century critiques of scientific objectivity. This may be one of the most enduring legacies of the ‘old’ legal realists for those today who work in the New Legal Realist vein.


2020 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 393-401
Author(s):  
Jongtae Lim 林宗台

Abstract As they were in other East Asian countries, Joseph Needham and his monumental works were warmly received by Korean historians of science in the late twentieth century. Korean historians appreciated both Needham’s pioneering research on the history of Chinese science and his praise of Korea’s contribution to East Asian scientific tradition, as expressed, for example, in the addenda to volume 3 of Science and Civilisation in China. But the Koreans’ praise of Needham was not unqualified. Needham’s largely favorable remarks on Korean science invited criticism from several prominent Korean historians who noted many factual errors, particularly relating to Korea’s priority over China in several technological inventions. They regarded those errors as indicative of Needham’s deep-rooted historiographical bias, his view of Korea as a mere tributary of China’s scientific tradition. But the Koreans’ criticism of Needham ironically shows that they agreed with the central tenets of Needham’s methodology of crediting scientific achievements to different civilizations, whereby to measure China’s contribution to what Needham termed “universal modern science.” The Koreans only scaled down the scope of comparison from the world of civilizations to a smaller region called East Asia, whereby to compare Korea’s share with that of China. This article thus takes the Korean criticism of Needham as an illuminating case, which invites us to think over a less explored issue in the history of East Asian science: how to write a balanced history of science in a region that is characterized by a stark disparity in power, resources, and achievements between China and its smaller neighbors.


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