scholarly journals Octobrists and nationalists in the III and IV State Duma

2021 ◽  
Vol 27 (3) ◽  
pp. 49-54
Author(s):  
A. S. Parakhin
Keyword(s):  
Right Wing ◽  
Extreme Right ◽  
Historical Science ◽  
National Union ◽  
The Third ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
Full Sense ◽  
October 17 ◽  
The Right ◽  
The Relationship

The State Duma of the third and fourth convocations were represented by a wide range of factions, among which were intermediate groups, namely nationalists and Octobrists, conservative-liberal and liberal-conservative, respectively. In historical science, it is generally accepted that the only allies of the Octobrists (in the full sense of the word) were the All-Russian National Union. The purpose of the article is to determine the specifics of the relationship between Octobrists and nationalists in the III State Duma and in the Duma of the fourth convocation. The study is based on an array of sources on the work of both state dooms, as well as on articles and monographs on this issue. Based on the analysis of these sources and special literature, the main areas of activity of the two factions, the places of their rapprochement, the reasons for the separation of nationalists from the right-wing forces were identified. The work of the III State Duma is connected with the fact that not a liberal majority was formed, but the right, but at the heart of it was not the extreme right, but the October-nationalist bloc, but its stability was very controversial. The novelty of the study is a systematic and multilateral study of all the specifics of relations between the Union of October 17 and the All-Russian National Union, which may call into question the full solidarity of these factions on all issues from the III State Duma to 1917.

The relationship between asymmetry, size and unusual venation in honey bees (Apis mellifera)

2016 ◽  
Vol 106 (3) ◽  
pp. 304-313 ◽  
Author(s):  
S. Łopuch ◽  
A. Tofilski
Keyword(s):  
Apis Mellifera ◽  
Honey Bees ◽  
Directional Asymmetry ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Wing Size ◽  
Large Variability ◽  
Normal Individuals ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
The Right ◽  
The Relationship

AbstractDespite the fact that symmetry is common in nature, it is rarely perfect. Because there is a wide range of phenotypes which differs from the average one, the asymmetry should increase along with deviation. Therefore, the aim of this study was to assess the level of asymmetry in normal individuals as well as in phenodeviants categorized as minor or major based on abnormalities in forewing venation in honey bees. Shape fluctuating asymmetry (FA) was lower in normal individuals and minor phenodeviants compared with major phenodeviants, whereas the former two categories were comparable in drones. In workers and queens, there were not significant differences in FA shape between categories. FA size was significantly lower in normal individuals compared with major phenodeviant drones and higher compared with minor phenodeviant workers. In queens, there were no significant differences between categories. The correlation between FA shape and FA size was significantly positive in drones, and insignificant in workers and queens. Moreover, a considerable level of directional asymmetry was found as the right wing was constantly bigger than the left one. Surprisingly, normal individuals were significantly smaller than minor phenodeviants in queens and drones, and they were comparable with major phenodeviants in all castes. The correlation between wing size and wing asymmetry was negative, indicating that smaller individuals were more asymmetrical. The high proportion of phenodeviants in drones compared with workers and queens confirmed their large variability. Thus, the results of the present study showed that minor phenodeviants were not always intermediate as might have been expected.

scholarly journals Orthodox Clergy and Right-Wing Political Movements in Russia at the Beginning of XX Century: Church Press

2021 ◽  
pp. 286-305
Author(s):  
A. A. Ivanov
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
The Political ◽  
Orthodox Church ◽  
Political Movements ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Political Organizations ◽  
National Union ◽  
The Right ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
The Church

The question of the attitude of the Orthodox Russian clergy to the right-wing political parties at the beginning of the 20th century — the Black Hundreds (the Union of the Russian People, the Russian People’s Union named after Mikhail Archangel, etc.) and Russian nationalists (the All-Russian National Union and related organizations) is considered. The novelty of the research is seen in the introduction into scientific circulation of new sources (materials of the church press), which make it possible to make a number of significant clarifications in the existing ideas about the relationship between the Orthodox Church and right-wing political organizations. Particular attention is paid to the differences in the views of clergymen on the Black Hundred unions and political structures of Russian nationalists. The reasons for the cooperation of conservative Orthodox pastors with the Black Hundred unions and organizations of Russian nationalists and the circumstances that forced the clergy to show concern for the views and activities of right-wing parties are shown. It is argued that the secularization and Westernization of Russian nationalism, which led to the departure of its ideologists and followers from the foundations of the Orthodox doctrine and church worldview, became the main reasons for the wary attitude of church circles towards the political organizations of Russian nationalists.

scholarly journals British Right-Wing Anti-semitism, 1918-1930.

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Oliver Brown
Keyword(s):  
First World War ◽  
Primary Sources ◽  
Comparative Approach ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
World War ◽  
Anti Semitism ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
The First World War ◽  
The Right ◽  
First World

This thesis investigates the prevalence of anti-Semitism in the British right-wing between the years of 1918 and 1930. It aims to redress the imbalance of studies on interwar British right-wing anti-Semitism that are skewed towards the 1930s, Oswald Mosley and the British Union of Fascists. This thesis is the first to focus exclusively on the immediate aftermath of the First World War and the rest of the 1920s, to demonstrate how interwar British right-wing anti-Semitism was not an isolated product of the 1930s. This work shows that anti-Semitism was endemic throughout much of the right-wing in early interwar Britain but became pushed further away from the mainstream as the decade progressed. This thesis adopts a comparative approach of comparing the actions and ideology of different sections of the British right-wing. The three sections that it is investigating are the “mainstream”, the “anti-alien/anti-Bolshevik” right and the “Jewish-obsessive” fringe. This comparative approach illustrates the types of anti-Semitism that were widespread throughout the British right-wing. Furthermore, it demonstrates which variants of anti-Semitism remained on the fringes. This thesis will steer away from only focusing on the virulently anti-Semitic, fringe organisations. The overemphasis on peripheral figures and openly fascistic groups when historians have glanced back at the 1920s helped lead to an exaggerated view that Britain was a tolerant haven in historiographical pieces, at least up until the 1980s. This thesis is using a wide range of primary sources, that are representative of the different sections of the British right-wing.

Ischemia-induced and reperfusion-induced arrhythmias: importance of heart rate

1989 ◽  
Vol 256 (1) ◽  
pp. H21-H31 ◽  
Author(s):  
M. Bernier ◽  
M. J. Curtis ◽  
D. J. Hearse
Keyword(s):  
Heart Rate ◽  
Coronary Occlusion ◽  
Ischemia And Reperfusion ◽  
Rate Of Development ◽  
Rate Dependent ◽  
Rat Hearts ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
The Right ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Isolated Rat

The relationship between heart rate and ischemia-induced and reperfusion-induced arrhythmias was studied using 573 isolated rat hearts. Hearts (12/group), subjected to 7 min of coronary occlusion and 10 min reperfusion, were paced at 300, 330, 360, 390, 420, 480, or 540 beats/min. Pacing either throughout the experiment or during ischemia alone led to a rate-dependent increase in the incidence of reperfusion-induced ventricular fibrillation (VF) from 25% in the unpaced hearts to greater than 90% when the rate was 420 beats/min or higher. However, pacing during reperfusion alone did not increase the incidence of reperfusion-induced VF. In separate hearts, the right atrium was removed to permit examination of both low and high rates (167 +/- 2, 240, 336 +/- 3, or 480 beats/min throughout the experiment) over a wide range of durations of occlusion (3, 5, 7, 10, 15, 20, or 40 min). Ischemia-induced VF incidence was critically dependent on heart rate, low rates being protective. During reperfusion, the incidence of VF was also highly rate dependent if reperfusion was initiated within 10 min of the onset of ischemia (ranging from 8% when rate was 167 +/- 2 beats/min to 100% when rate was 480 beats/min) but was unrelated to heart rate when reperfusion occurred at later times (ranging from 33 to 50% when ischemia duration was 40 min). Heart rate can therefore influence susceptibility to ischemia- and reperfusion-induced arrhythmias, probably as a result of an effect on the rate of development of ischemic injury.

scholarly journals Authoritarianism and privacy: The moderating role of terrorism

2017 ◽  
Vol 15 (3/4) ◽  
pp. 573-581 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gareth Norris
Keyword(s):  
Survey Data ◽  
Civil Liberties ◽  
Social Attitudes ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Right To Privacy ◽  
The Right To Privacy ◽  
The Right ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Moderating Role

The resurgence in interest in authoritarianism has been linked to a rise in the acceptance of right-wing ideology and also restrictions on civil liberties, particularly in relation to surveillance and the right to privacy. Whilst we can observe simple correlations between these variables, the dynamics of threat are more complex to understand. The analysis reported here demonstrates how the relationship between authoritarianism and the curtailment of civil liberties is moderated by the threat of terrorism. Using 2005 British Social Attitudes survey data, collected either side of the 7/7 bombings, comparisons between the pre-post samples indicate that the threat of terrorism activates authoritarian tendencies and reduces the protection of rights to privacy from government. Interestingly and importantly, reactions to terrorism in the form of a change in opinion regarding civil liberties for those scoring higher in authoritarianism remained almost constant between the two periods. The results provide support for understanding how minority opinions (removal of rights to privacy) can become majority views during times of threat.

L'État-nation, Une forme de fermeture sociale

1996 ◽  
Vol 37 (1) ◽  
pp. 163-179 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andreas Wimmer
Keyword(s):  
Critical Examination ◽  
Social Rights ◽  
Nation State ◽  
Social Formation ◽  
Public And Private ◽  
Southern States ◽  
The Third ◽  
The People ◽  
The Right ◽  
The Relationship

The study begins with a critical examination of two opposing, theories of nationalism. Next, the relationship between the State and nationalism in the form of the nation state is seen as a process of social formation during which a compromise is established between public and private elites, and the people: loyalty is exchanged for the right to participate in social rights. In the third part, the author considers the future of a number of Southern states in relation to the fundamentals of nation formation.

Congress Radicals and Hindu Militancy: Sampurnanand and Purushottam Das Tandon in the Politics of the United Provinces, 1930–1947

2002 ◽  
Vol 36 (3) ◽  
pp. 619-655 ◽  
Author(s):  
William Gould
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
North India ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Hindu Nationalism ◽  
Indian Nationalism ◽  
Indian State ◽  
National Congress ◽  
The Right ◽  
Sangh Parivar ◽  
The Relationship

A recent trend in the historiography of north India has involved analyses of ‘Hindu nationalist’ motifs and ideologies within both mainstream nationalist discourses and subaltern politics. A dense corpus of work has attempted to provide historical explanations for the rise of Hindutva in the subcontinent, and a great deal of debate has surrounded the implications of this development for the fate of secularism in India. Some of this research has examined the wider implications of Hindutva for the Indian state, democracy and civil society and in the process has highlighted, to some degree, the relationship between Hindu nationalism and ‘mainstream’ Indian nationalism. Necessarily, this has involved discussion of the ways in which the Congress, as the predominant vehicle of ‘secular nationalism’ in India, has attempted to contest or accommodate the forces of Hindu nationalist revival and Hindutva. By far the most interesting and illuminating aspect of this research has been the suggestion that Hindu nationalism, operating as an ideology, has manifested itself not only in the institutions of the right-wing Sangh Parivar but has been accommodated, often paradoxically, within political parties and civil institutions hitherto associated with the forces of secularism. An investigation of this phenomenon opens up new possibilities for research into the nature of Hindu nationalism itself, and presents new questions about the ambivalent place of religious politics in institutions such as the Indian National Congress.

Flexibility and Work-Life Interference in Australia

2011 ◽  
Vol 53 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-82 ◽  
Author(s):  
Natalie Skinner ◽  
Barbara Pocock
Keyword(s):  
Work Life ◽  
New Right ◽  
Life Outcomes ◽  
Employee Survey ◽  
The Third ◽  
The Right ◽  
The Relationship

This contribution examines the relationship between flexibility and work—life interference. It analyses requests for flexibility in Australia just prior to the enactment of a new ‘right to request’ such flexibility, utilizing a large employee survey that shows that around a fifth of employees requested flexibility, most requests were agreed, and work—life outcomes were much better amongst those whose requests were fully agreed. Women were twice as likely as men to have sought flexibility, with one in two mothers of preschoolers, one in three mothers of children under 16 and a quarter of women without children having made requests. Parenting made no difference to men’s rate of request-making. Findings suggest that the right may be particularly beneficial to the third of all workers who have not made requests for flexibility yet are not content with current arrangements. There is a case to extend the right beyond parents, and for stronger appeal rights.

The end of an ideology? Right-wing antisemitism in France, 1944–1970

1994 ◽  
Vol 37 (2) ◽  
pp. 365-388 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard C. Vinen
Keyword(s):  
Presidential Election ◽  
Jewish Population ◽  
Election Campaign ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Arab Nationalism ◽  
German Occupation ◽  
Post War ◽  
The Right ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Presidential Election Campaign

ABSTRACTIt is normally assumed that antisemitism in post-war France needs to be understood primarily in the light of the German occupation of 1940–4. This article seeks to describe the relationship between political antisemitism and events after 1945. Special attention is given to the issue that obsessed a large part of the French right: the loss of Algeria. It is argued that between 1954 and 1962 right-wingers came to took on the Jewish population of Algeria, which was often fervently opposed to French withdrawal, with new favour. Furthermore, many right-wingers began to admire Israel, which seemed so successful in combating Arab nationalism and which was widely believed to have links with the Organisation de l' Arméte Secrète. Changes in attitudes to Israel and the Jews were linked with a wider change in the French right that had been going on since 1945: most of the right now focused their loyalties around ‘l' occident’ a block of nations led by America and including Israel rather than around the France that was so important to Gaullist thinking. Finally, an attempt is made to show how the French right's new attitude to the Jews influenced its reaction to the 1965 Presidential election campaign, de Gaulle's denunciation of Israel in 1967 and the student riots of 1968.

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