Congress Radicals and Hindu Militancy: Sampurnanand and Purushottam Das Tandon in the Politics of the United Provinces, 1930–1947

2002 ◽  
Vol 36 (3) ◽  
pp. 619-655 ◽  
Author(s):  
William Gould
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
North India ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Hindu Nationalism ◽  
Indian Nationalism ◽  
Indian State ◽  
National Congress ◽  
The Right ◽  
Sangh Parivar ◽  
The Relationship

A recent trend in the historiography of north India has involved analyses of ‘Hindu nationalist’ motifs and ideologies within both mainstream nationalist discourses and subaltern politics. A dense corpus of work has attempted to provide historical explanations for the rise of Hindutva in the subcontinent, and a great deal of debate has surrounded the implications of this development for the fate of secularism in India. Some of this research has examined the wider implications of Hindutva for the Indian state, democracy and civil society and in the process has highlighted, to some degree, the relationship between Hindu nationalism and ‘mainstream’ Indian nationalism. Necessarily, this has involved discussion of the ways in which the Congress, as the predominant vehicle of ‘secular nationalism’ in India, has attempted to contest or accommodate the forces of Hindu nationalist revival and Hindutva. By far the most interesting and illuminating aspect of this research has been the suggestion that Hindu nationalism, operating as an ideology, has manifested itself not only in the institutions of the right-wing Sangh Parivar but has been accommodated, often paradoxically, within political parties and civil institutions hitherto associated with the forces of secularism. An investigation of this phenomenon opens up new possibilities for research into the nature of Hindu nationalism itself, and presents new questions about the ambivalent place of religious politics in institutions such as the Indian National Congress.

Immigration and Voting Patterns in the European Union

2021 ◽  
Vol 18 (5) ◽  
pp. 573-589
Author(s):  
Ethan J Grumstrup ◽  
Todd Sorensen ◽  
Jan Misiuna ◽  
Marta Pachoka
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Asylum Seekers ◽  
Empirical Literature ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Far Right ◽  
European Parties ◽  
Cross Country ◽  
The Right ◽  
The Relationship

Tempers flared in Europe in response to the 2015 European Refugee Crisis, prompting some countries to totally close their borders to asylum seekers. This was seen to have fueled anti-immigrant sentiment, which grew in Europe along with the support for far-right political parties that had previously languished. This sparked a flurry of research into the relationship between immigration and far-right voting, which has found mixed and nuanced evidence of immigration increasing far-right support in some cases, while decreasing support in others. To provide more evidence to this unsettled debate in the empirical literature, we use data from over 400 European parties to systematically select cases of individual countries. We augment this with a cross-country quantitative study. Our analysis finds little evidence that immigrant populations are related to changes in voting for the right. Our finding gives evidence that factors other than immigration are the true cause of rises in right-wing voting.

scholarly journals Orthodox Clergy and Right-Wing Political Movements in Russia at the Beginning of XX Century: Church Press

2021 ◽  
pp. 286-305
Author(s):  
A. A. Ivanov
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
The Political ◽  
Orthodox Church ◽  
Political Movements ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Political Organizations ◽  
National Union ◽  
The Right ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
The Church

The question of the attitude of the Orthodox Russian clergy to the right-wing political parties at the beginning of the 20th century — the Black Hundreds (the Union of the Russian People, the Russian People’s Union named after Mikhail Archangel, etc.) and Russian nationalists (the All-Russian National Union and related organizations) is considered. The novelty of the research is seen in the introduction into scientific circulation of new sources (materials of the church press), which make it possible to make a number of significant clarifications in the existing ideas about the relationship between the Orthodox Church and right-wing political organizations. Particular attention is paid to the differences in the views of clergymen on the Black Hundred unions and political structures of Russian nationalists. The reasons for the cooperation of conservative Orthodox pastors with the Black Hundred unions and organizations of Russian nationalists and the circumstances that forced the clergy to show concern for the views and activities of right-wing parties are shown. It is argued that the secularization and Westernization of Russian nationalism, which led to the departure of its ideologists and followers from the foundations of the Orthodox doctrine and church worldview, became the main reasons for the wary attitude of church circles towards the political organizations of Russian nationalists.

scholarly journals Authoritarianism and privacy: The moderating role of terrorism

2017 ◽  
Vol 15 (3/4) ◽  
pp. 573-581 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gareth Norris
Keyword(s):  
Survey Data ◽  
Civil Liberties ◽  
Social Attitudes ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Right To Privacy ◽  
The Right To Privacy ◽  
The Right ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Moderating Role

The resurgence in interest in authoritarianism has been linked to a rise in the acceptance of right-wing ideology and also restrictions on civil liberties, particularly in relation to surveillance and the right to privacy. Whilst we can observe simple correlations between these variables, the dynamics of threat are more complex to understand. The analysis reported here demonstrates how the relationship between authoritarianism and the curtailment of civil liberties is moderated by the threat of terrorism. Using 2005 British Social Attitudes survey data, collected either side of the 7/7 bombings, comparisons between the pre-post samples indicate that the threat of terrorism activates authoritarian tendencies and reduces the protection of rights to privacy from government. Interestingly and importantly, reactions to terrorism in the form of a change in opinion regarding civil liberties for those scoring higher in authoritarianism remained almost constant between the two periods. The results provide support for understanding how minority opinions (removal of rights to privacy) can become majority views during times of threat.

scholarly journals Zionist Approaches to the Palestinian Question

2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 37
Author(s):  
Hamed Mousavi
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Gaza Strip ◽  
Political Movements ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
The West ◽  
The Creation ◽  
The Gaza Strip ◽  
The Right ◽  
Palestinian Question

Liberal Zionists blame Israel’s five decade long occupation of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip primarily on Revisionist Zionist ideology and its manifestation in right wing parties such as the Likud. They also argue that the “Two State Solution”, the creation of a Palestinian state alongside Israel, will forever solve this issue. This paper on the other hand argues that while the Israeli left have divergent opinions from the revisionists on many issues, with regards to the “Palestinian question” and particularly on the prospects of allowing the formation of a Palestinian state, liberal Zionists have much closer views to the right wing than would most like to admit. To demonstrate this, the views of Theodore Herzl, the founder of political Zionism, David Ben-Gurion, the most important actor in the founding years of the state, as well as the approach of left wing Israeli political parties are examined. Finally, it is argued that none of the mainstream Zionist political movements will allow the creation of a Palestinian state even on a small part of Palestine.

The relationship between asymmetry, size and unusual venation in honey bees (Apis mellifera)

2016 ◽  
Vol 106 (3) ◽  
pp. 304-313 ◽  
Author(s):  
S. Łopuch ◽  
A. Tofilski
Keyword(s):  
Apis Mellifera ◽  
Honey Bees ◽  
Directional Asymmetry ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Wing Size ◽  
Large Variability ◽  
Normal Individuals ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
The Right ◽  
The Relationship

AbstractDespite the fact that symmetry is common in nature, it is rarely perfect. Because there is a wide range of phenotypes which differs from the average one, the asymmetry should increase along with deviation. Therefore, the aim of this study was to assess the level of asymmetry in normal individuals as well as in phenodeviants categorized as minor or major based on abnormalities in forewing venation in honey bees. Shape fluctuating asymmetry (FA) was lower in normal individuals and minor phenodeviants compared with major phenodeviants, whereas the former two categories were comparable in drones. In workers and queens, there were not significant differences in FA shape between categories. FA size was significantly lower in normal individuals compared with major phenodeviant drones and higher compared with minor phenodeviant workers. In queens, there were no significant differences between categories. The correlation between FA shape and FA size was significantly positive in drones, and insignificant in workers and queens. Moreover, a considerable level of directional asymmetry was found as the right wing was constantly bigger than the left one. Surprisingly, normal individuals were significantly smaller than minor phenodeviants in queens and drones, and they were comparable with major phenodeviants in all castes. The correlation between wing size and wing asymmetry was negative, indicating that smaller individuals were more asymmetrical. The high proportion of phenodeviants in drones compared with workers and queens confirmed their large variability. Thus, the results of the present study showed that minor phenodeviants were not always intermediate as might have been expected.

The end of an ideology? Right-wing antisemitism in France, 1944–1970

1994 ◽  
Vol 37 (2) ◽  
pp. 365-388 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard C. Vinen
Keyword(s):  
Presidential Election ◽  
Jewish Population ◽  
Election Campaign ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Arab Nationalism ◽  
German Occupation ◽  
Post War ◽  
The Right ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Presidential Election Campaign

ABSTRACTIt is normally assumed that antisemitism in post-war France needs to be understood primarily in the light of the German occupation of 1940–4. This article seeks to describe the relationship between political antisemitism and events after 1945. Special attention is given to the issue that obsessed a large part of the French right: the loss of Algeria. It is argued that between 1954 and 1962 right-wingers came to took on the Jewish population of Algeria, which was often fervently opposed to French withdrawal, with new favour. Furthermore, many right-wingers began to admire Israel, which seemed so successful in combating Arab nationalism and which was widely believed to have links with the Organisation de l' Arméte Secrète. Changes in attitudes to Israel and the Jews were linked with a wider change in the French right that had been going on since 1945: most of the right now focused their loyalties around ‘l' occident’ a block of nations led by America and including Israel rather than around the France that was so important to Gaullist thinking. Finally, an attempt is made to show how the French right's new attitude to the Jews influenced its reaction to the 1965 Presidential election campaign, de Gaulle's denunciation of Israel in 1967 and the student riots of 1968.

How right-wing versus cosmopolitan political actors mobilize and translate images of immigrants in transnational contexts

2017 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 315-336 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nicole Doerr
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
Contentious Politics ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Political Issues ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
People's Party ◽  
The Right ◽  
Syrian Refugee Crisis

This article examines visual posters and symbols constructed and circulated transnationally by various political actors to mobilize contentious politics on the issues of immigration and citizenship. Following right-wing mobilizations focusing on the Syrian refugee crisis, immigration has become one of the most contentious political issues in Western Europe. Right-wing populist political parties have used provocative visual posters depicting immigrants or refugees as ‘criminal foreigners’ or a ‘threat to the nation’, in some countries and contexts conflating the image of the immigrant with that of the Islamist terrorist. This article explores the transnational dynamics of visual mobilization by comparing the translation of right-wing nationalist with left-wing, cosmopolitan visual campaigns on the issue of immigration in Western Europe. The author first traces the crosscultural translation and sharing of an anti-immigrant poster created by the Swiss People’s Party (SVP), a right-wing political party, inspiring different extremist as well as populist right-wing parties and grassroots activists in several other European countries. She then explores how left-libertarian social movements try to break racist stereotypes of immigrants. While right-wing political activists create a shared stereotypical image of immigrants as foes of an imaginary ethnonationalist citizenship, left-wing counter-images construct a more complex and nuanced imagery of citizenship and cultural diversity in Europe. The findings show the challenges of progressive activists’ attempts to translate cosmopolitan images of citizenship across different national and linguistic contexts in contrast to the right wing’s rapid and effective instrumentalizing and translating of denigrating images of minorities in different contexts.

scholarly journals Factors Associated with a Lack of Willingness to Vaccinate against COVID-19 in Poland: A 2021 Nationwide Cross-Sectional Survey

Vaccines ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (9) ◽  
pp. 1000
Author(s):  
Filip Raciborski ◽  
Piotr Samel-Kowalik ◽  
Mariusz Gujski ◽  
Jarosław Pinkas ◽  
Magdalena Arcimowicz ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Rural Areas ◽  
Cross Sectional Study ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Sectional Study ◽  
Cross Sectional Survey ◽  
Cross Sectional ◽  
Factors Associated ◽  
Internet Users ◽  
The Right

We aimed to assess the factors associated with a lack of willingness to vaccinate against COVID-19 among adults in Poland three months after the introduction of mass vaccination against COVID-19 in Poland. This cross-sectional study was carried out between 8 and 18 April 2021 on a representative nationwide sample of 1131 inhabitants of Poland aged 18 and over. Almost one-third of adult inhabitants of Poland (30%; 95%CI: 27.4–32.7%) declared a lack of willingness to vaccinate against COVID-19. Females had higher odds of refusing COVID-19 vaccination compared with males (OR = 1.68; 95%CI: 1.25–2.27). The lack of higher education was significantly (p < 0.001) associated with greater odds of refusing the COVID-19 vaccination. Participants living in rural areas compared with those living in the largest cities (over 500,000 inhabitants) had three times higher odds of refusing the COVID-19 vaccination (OR = 3.20; 95%CI: 1.71–6.01). Respondents who declared willingness to vote for one of the right-wing political parties publicly supporting the anti-vaccination movement in Poland had eight times higher odds (OR = 8.01; 95%CI: 3.65–17.60) of refusing the COVID-19 vaccination compared with other groups. Moreover, those who had three children or more, respondents who declared passivity towards participating in religious practices as well as active internet users had significantly higher odds of refusing the COVID-19 vaccination.

scholarly journals Right-wing populism and the mainstreaming of protests: The case of Colombia

2020 ◽  
Vol 29 (3 - Sup2) ◽  
pp. 169-177
Author(s):  
Fabio Andrés Díaz Pabón
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Historical Analysis ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Protest Movements ◽  
Unexpected Consequence ◽  
Right Wing Populism ◽  
The Right ◽  
Latin American Countries

Unlike other Latin American countries, Colombia has consistently been governed by centre-right or right-wing political parties. The absence of political space for the Left in this country allowed governments to portray protests as subversive and criminal. However, starting in 2008, right-wing politicians have embraced, supported and used the protest as a tactic; undertaking, calling for, and giving support to various protest movements across the country. This has had an unexpected consequence: right-wing parties, government institutions, and even some sectors within the security and armed forces now see protests as valid and normal. Drawing on a brief historical analysis of protest movements in Colombia since 1948, and particularly after 2002, this article argues that to understand the recent normalization of this form of political expression we should look at changes in the dynamics of competition within the Right.

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