Transformation of Higher Education in Russia in the 1990s

Author(s):  
A.S. Ibrahimov

It is shown that independent Russia inherited, on the one hand, one of the most developed education systems in the world, on the other - it was reasonably criticized for conservatism, narrow specialization, dogmatism, isolation from the constantly changing needs of society and the economy, and standardness. These shortcomings were already evident at the end of the Soviet period of Russian history. One of the important components of the policy of “acceleration” and “perestroika” in Russia was an attempt to deeply transform higher education, give it flexibility, and deeply connect it with the urgent needs of the national economy. The study of higher education policy in 1986-1990 is relevant today as an example of a deliberate attempt by the political leadership to transform higher education in Russia in the direction of serving the interests of the changing economic system. Positive and negative elements of the experience of 1986-1990 should help in shaping the state policy of higher education in our time.

Author(s):  
Arsen S. Ibrahimov

This article considers the state policy towards the transformation of higher education in Russia on the example of universities in the Republic of Dagestan. Higher education in the Republic of Dagestan in the 21st century has passed a period of profound changes, and there are still disputes about the ways of domestic education further development, forms and methods of increasing its competitiveness in the world educational market. In these disputes, the key element remains the assessment of Soviet educational standards and the historical heritage of Soviet higher education. At the beginning of the 1990s, higher education in the Republic was, on the one hand, a fully developed system of education, in terms of quantitative and qualitative indicators. On the other hand, it was characterized by conservatism, narrow specialization, dogmatism, isolation from the constantly changing needs of society and the economy, and standardness. These shortcomings were already evident at the end of the Soviet period of Russian history. One of the important components of the policy of acceleration and perestroika proclaimed by M. S. Gorbachev and his colleagues became the attempt to carry out a deep transformation of higher education, giving it flexibility and a strong connection with the urgent needs of the national economy. The study of higher education policy in 1986-1990 is relevant today as an example of the first conscious attempt by the political leadership to transform higher education in the direction of serving the interests of the changing economic system. The positive and negative elements of the experience of 1986-1990 should help in shaping and implementing higher school reform in our time.


2019 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 495-507 ◽  
Author(s):  
Felice Cimatti

The tradition of Italian Thought – not the political one but the poetic and naturalistic one – finds in the philosophy of Gilles Deleuze a way to enter into the new century, the century of immanence and animality. In fact, Deleuze himself remained outside the main philosophical traditions of his own time (structuralism and phenomenology). The tradition to which Deleuze refers is the one that begins with Spinoza and ends with Nietzsche. It is an ontological tradition, which deals mainly with life and the world rather than with the human subject and knowledge. Finally, the text sketches a possible dialogue between Deleuze and the poet-philosopher Giacomo Leopardi, one of the most important (and still unknown) figures of Italian Thought.


1994 ◽  
Vol 42 (3) ◽  
pp. 453-468 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alistair Cole

The study of political leadership, in France and elsewhere, must be appreciated in terms of the interaction between leadership resources (personal and positional) on the one hand, and environmental constraints and opportunities on the other. This article proposes a general framework for appraising comparative liberal democratic political leaderships. It illustrates the possibilities of the framework by evaluating the political leadership of the French President François Mitterrand.


2021 ◽  
Vol 6 ◽  
pp. 235-241
Author(s):  
Barbara Klonowska

This article reviews the recent monograph by Maxim Shadurski, The Nationality of Utopia. H. G. Wells, England, and the World State (New York: Routledge, 2020) in the context of utopian studies on the one hand, and the political ideas of the nation state vs. world state on the other.


10.33287/1195 ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 49-57
Author(s):  
Ю. І. Коломоєць

Russian political emigration from the beginning of its birth in the first half of the nineteenth century was constantly in search of forms and methods of struggle with royal power in the homeland. Detachment from Russia, the feeling of isolation that was inherent in emigration to the early twentieth century, were an important factor in the ongoing conflicts that took place in its environment. We note the conflicts between the «old» and the «young» emigration in the late 1860’s, between the Marxists and the populists of the 1880’s, between the revolutionary Marxists and the «economists» at the end of the 1890’s. All of these, as a rule, were due to excessive the ambitions of some leaders, the attempt to become the «rulers of ideas» for revolutionary youth, due to significant financial problems. In the list of these and similar conflicts there are events of 1870, when in the environment of political emigration there are two serious confrontations between the leader of anarchists M. Bakunin on the one hand and S. Nechaev or «Russian section of the First International» - on the other. These conflicts significantly influenced the situation in emigration, disorganized it, weakened the ability to fight the tsarist regime. They were accompanied by sharp accusations, searches for compromising materials, attempts to get support from leaders of the world revolutionary movement. The ambitions of young revolutionaries such as S. Nechaev or M. Utin were also connected with the attempt to take the main place among the emigrants, moving to the background of former leaders M. Bakunin, M. Ogarev, P. Lavrov. All this led to split in emigrant colonies, which consisted mainly of student youth. Violent discussions, accusations, boycotts became a hallmark of emigrant life. Basically, all these events took place in Switzerland, which at that time already became the center of not only Russian, but also international political emigration. Conflicts were directed at the political annihilation of the opponents, which subsequently resulted in the arrest and extradition to the Russian government of S. Nechaev in 1872, the cessation of the activities of the Russian Section of the First International and the return of M. Utin to Russia and the cessation of revolutionary activity in general. The positive side of these conflicts was the rallying of emigrants around their leaders, better information on the state of affairs in their environment, the development of new forms and methods of interaction and the strengthening of the role of revolutionaries from Russia itself.


2016 ◽  
Vol 43 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 136-153
Author(s):  
Sungryule Lee

This article presents a translation of an uncovered bamboo text, Fanwu Liuxing (FW), with some discussions on the nature of the text. The FW proposes the One as the primordial entity which can stabilize and maintain the existence and movement of all nature as well as all the phenomena and orders in the nature and humanity. To the rulers, the acquisition of the One makes possible the unification of the world and, moreover, its stable control, leading eventually to the most valuable existence of the world as the model of Heaven and Earth. The FW further argues that the political rhetoric and utilization of the One maximize the political efficiency for the ruling of one state or the world.


2021 ◽  

Carl Schmitt emphasised the crucial importance of the friend–enemy dichotomy for the political sphere. Is the connection between the concept of the enemy and politics still relevant today? Or does the political sphere need to be defined quite differently, on the one hand, and does the problem of enmity need to be dealt with beyond the political sphere, on the other? Since the publication of this book’s 1st edition, the issue of ‘enmity’ has by no means been settled, as recent terrorist attacks have shown. On the contrary, hatred of those who think differently seems to be on the increase, and they are then demonised as ‘enemies’. This development is explored in the contributions to the book’s 2nd edition. Rüdiger Voigt, professor emeritus of administrative science at the University of the German Armed Forces in Munich, is the author and editor of numerous books on state theory and state practice.


Author(s):  
Niels Noergaard Kristensen

The political commotion of the world is rising anew. Political challenges and political turmoil unfold side by side, and at the fore of many current political struggles stands the notion of “political identity.” Identity is a key asset in citizens' orientations toward political issues, their selection of information, and not least their political participation at large. The character of political challenges and struggles suggests that we need a revitalized and more comprehensive conceptual framework and operationalization of political identity. Political identity plays a role in most political activity, and the authors engage in elaborating the concept. The discussion presents the notion of political learning in order to bridge the complex and vigorous relations between on the one side political orientations and awareness and on the other side current manifestations of democratic political identities.


2020 ◽  
pp. 030582982093706
Author(s):  
Isaac Kamola

Why does IR scholarship seem so resistant to travel into other disciplinary spaces? To answer this question, I look at the tendency for scholars within our discipline to talk to the discipline, about the discipline, and for the discipline. We obsess over ‘IR’ and, in doing so, reify IR as a thing. I turn towards Edward Said’s arguments about the worldliness of texts, and how reification shapes how ideas travel. I then provide two illustrations of how scholars have reified IR as a thing: Robert Cox’s approach to critical theory and Amitav Acharya’s call for a ‘Global IR’. In both cases, contrary to expectation, the authors reify IR as a thing, portraying the discipline as distinct from the world. IR is treated as something with agency, ignoring how disciplinary knowledge is produced within worldly institutions. I conclude by looking at three strategies for studying worldly relations in ways that refuse to reify the discipline: showing disloyalty to the discipline, engaging the political economy of higher education, and seeking to decolonise the university. Rather than reifying IR, these strategies help us to engage our scholarly work in a way that prioritises worldly critical engagements within our disciplinary community, and the world.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document