Freund-Feind-Denken

2021 ◽  

Carl Schmitt emphasised the crucial importance of the friend–enemy dichotomy for the political sphere. Is the connection between the concept of the enemy and politics still relevant today? Or does the political sphere need to be defined quite differently, on the one hand, and does the problem of enmity need to be dealt with beyond the political sphere, on the other? Since the publication of this book’s 1st edition, the issue of ‘enmity’ has by no means been settled, as recent terrorist attacks have shown. On the contrary, hatred of those who think differently seems to be on the increase, and they are then demonised as ‘enemies’. This development is explored in the contributions to the book’s 2nd edition. Rüdiger Voigt, professor emeritus of administrative science at the University of the German Armed Forces in Munich, is the author and editor of numerous books on state theory and state practice.

2020 ◽  

Voltaire is still the most important representative of the Enlightenment in Europe. He was a firm critic of absolutism, feudalism and the Catholic Church. Throughhis extensive correspondence, which consisted of over 20,000 letters, intellectuals were more aware of him than any other writer at that time. His sarcastic humour and irony were feared intellectual weapons in those circles. Especially in times in which trust in reason seems to be vanishing, it is evident that we should analyse the thoughts of this great philosopher of the Enlightenment. To what extent did Voltaire influence the era of Enlightenment? Which of his works were particularly important and widely read, by whom and in which countries? This book is divided into four sections: the Enlightenment in Europe, Discussing Voltaire‘s Thinking, Voltaire in France and England, and Voltaire and Frederick the Great. With contributions by Norbert Campagna, Andreas Heyer, Oliver Hidalgo, Skadi Siiri Krause, Urs Marti-Brander, Volker Reinhardt, Gideon Stiening, Damien Tricoire, Rüdiger Voigt and Laurence Weyer. The editors Norbert Campagna, Professeur-associé at the University of Luxembourg and a senior teacher at the Lycée de Garçons Esch, is the author of numerous books on both the philosophy of law and the state as well as sexual ethics. Rüdiger Voigt, a professor emeritus of administrative science at the University of the German Armed Forces in Munich, is the author and editor of numerous books on state theory and state practice.


Author(s):  
Geoffrey Bennington

Scatter 2 identifies politics as an object of perennial difficulty for philosophy—as recalcitrant to philosophical mastery as is philosophy’s traditional adversary, poetry. That difficulty makes it an attractive area of attention for any deconstructive approach to the tradition from which we inevitably inherit our language and our concepts. Scatter 2 pursues that deconstruction, often starting, and sometimes departing, from the work of Jacques Derrida, by attending to the concepts of sovereignty on the one hand, and democracy on the other. Part I follows the fate of a line from Book II of Homer’s Iliad, where Odysseus asserts that “the rule of many is no good thing, let there be one ruler, one king,” as it is quoted and misquoted, and progressively Christianized, by authors including Aristotle, Philo Judaeus, Suetonius, the early Church Fathers, Aquinas, Dante, Ockham, Marsilius of Padua, Jean Bodin, Etienne de la Boétie, up to Carl Schmitt and Erik Peterson, and even one of the defendants at the Nuremberg Trials, before being discussed by Derrida himself. Part II begins again, as it were, with Plato and Aristotle, and tracks the concept of democracy as it regularly impacts and tends to undermine that sovereignist tradition, and, more especially in detailed readings of Hobbes and Rousseau, develops a notion of “proto-democracy” as a possible name for the scatter that underlies and drives the political as such, and that will always prevent politics from achieving its aim of bringing itself to an end.


Author(s):  
Svetlana M. Klimova ◽  

The article examines the phenomenon of the late Lev Tolstoy in the context of his religious position. The author analyzes the reactions to his teaching in Russian state and official Orthodox circles, on the one hand, and Indian thought, on the other. Two sociocultural images of L.N. Tolstoy: us and them that arose in the context of understanding the position of the Russian Church and the authorities and Indian public and religious figures (including Mahatma Gandhi, who was under his influence). A peculiar phenomenon of intellectually usL.N. Tolstoy among culturally them (Indian) correspondents and intellectually them Tolstoy among culturally us (representatives of the official government and the Church of Russia) transpires. The originality of this situation is that these im­ages of Lev Tolstoy arise practically at the same period. The author compares these images, based on the method of defamiliarisation (V. Shklovsky), which allows to visually demonstrate the religious component of Tolstoy’s criticism of the political sphere of life and, at the same time, to understand the psychological reasons for its rejection in Russian official circles. With the methodological help of defamiliarisation the author tries to show that the opinion of Tolstoy (as the writer) becomes at the same time the voice of conscience for many of his con­temporaries. The method of defamiliarisation allowed the author to show how Leo Tolstoy’s inner law of nonviolence influenced the concept of non­violent resistance in the teachings of Gandhi.


Colossus ◽  
2006 ◽  
Author(s):  
Frode Weierud

This chapter describes the Siemens & Halske T52 cipher machines and explains how Bletchley Park broke them. (See photograph 51.) Many authors have confused the T52 with the Tunny machine, and have erroneously linked the T52 to Colossus. The German armed forces employed three different types of teleprinter cipher machines during the Second World War: the Lorenz SZ40/42a/42b (Tunny), the Siemens & Halske Schlüs-selfernschreibmaschine (SFM—Cipher Teleprinter Machine) T52, and the one-time-tape machine T43, also manufactured by Siemens. The Siemens T52 existed in four functionally distinct models: T52a/b, T52c, T52d, and T52e (there was also the T52ca, a modified version of the T52c). At Bletchley Park all T52 models went under the code name ‘Sturgeon’. The Siemens T43 was probably the unbreakable machine that BP called ‘Thrasher’. (This came into use relatively late in the war, and appears to have been used only on a few selected links.) In 1964 Erik Boheman, the Swedish Under-Secretary of State, first revealed that Sweden had broken the T52 during the Second World War. The Swedish successes against the T52 are the topic of Chapter 26. It was only in 1984 that the British officially acknowledged that Bletchley Park had also enjoyed some success against the T52. Not only did BP intercept traffic enciphered on the T52; it also broke all the different models that it discovered. It was clear from the beginning that the T52 was a very difficult machine to break. Probably it would have remained unbroken had it not been for German security blunders in using the machines. The blame should not be put entirely on the German teleprinter operators, however: the designers of the machines at Siemens, who failed to listen to the advice of the German cryptographic experts, were also responsible. The Siemens engineers seem to have focused more on the engineering problems than on the cryptographic security of the machine. The T52a/b and the original T52c were machines with quite limited security. The T52c is an extraordinary example of how not to go about designing a cryptographic machine. The wheel-combining logic, which was meant to strengthen the machine, had exactly the opposite effect—it eased the task of breaking the machine.


1982 ◽  
Vol 25 (4) ◽  
pp. 805-825 ◽  
Author(s):  
P. G. Lake

In 1620 Thomas Scott published a notorious pamphlet entitled Vox Populi. This purported to recount the proceedings of the Spanish council of state and denounced the devious machinations of Gondomar, the Spanish ambassador, and by implication the pro-Spanish policy of King James. Once Scott's authorship became known he took the traditional way out and fled to the Low Countries. There he served as a preacher with the English regiments and as a minister at Utrecht. He also continued his pamphlet commentary on events in England. Scott, then, was that well-known figure, the radical puritan opponent of the Jacobean regime. He has certainly been cast in that role and until recently such a view of his career would have seemed unexceptionable enough. However, of late there has emerged a corpus of work which might be thought to render any such view of Scott untenable. On the one hand, the existence within the mainstream of English protestantism of anything approaching a coherent body of puritan attitudes has been challenged, at least until the emergence of Arminianism polarized religious opinion and almost created a self-conscious and aggressive puritanism where there had been none before. In the political sphere it has been claimed that within the predominant view of constitutional and political propriety any attempt at concerted opposition to royal policy was both conceptually and practically impossible.


Rhizomata ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Malcolm Schofield

AbstractNo Heraclitean fragment that bears on the political sphere compares with Fr.114 in length or theoretical ambition. Its basic preoccupation as often is with human intelligence and the need for better understanding. But its claim about the resources available to understanding is developed by means of an analogy with the city’s reliance on law and thereby on the ‘one divine’. And this is the dimension of the fragment that has most engaged scholars. It is generally supposed that a main lesson taught by the analogy is that, important resource though its law is for a city, ‘what is common’ provides understanding with a much stronger resource. This paper argues that that interpretation is misconceived: there could be no more powerful source of support than the ‘one divine’. Heraclitus’ point is rather that humans need to muster more strength to get the support available to understanding than citizens have to exercise in accessing that available in the law.


Author(s):  
Manuel Antonio Sebastián Edo

En el Senado siempre hubo individuos que se opusieron a Octavio y varios de ellos llegaron a conspirar contra él. Tras el confinamiento de Lépido del ámbito político, lo cual hizo que quedaran Antonio y Octavio frente a frente, este último fue objeto de varias conspiraciones. Esta forma de oposición más violenta es la que predomina en el relato de las fuentes clásicas, que recogen importantes datos para conocer las relaciones entre el Senado y el princeps. Sin embargo, de entre ellas, hay un hecho particular que llama la atención, ya que se trata de un caso de oposición no violenta y que llega a ser ensalzado en las fuentes (Tac., Ann., 3, 75), representado por el jurista Marco Antistio Labeón. En primer lugar, para abordar el tema recopilaremos los casos anteriores a Antistio Labeón que se opusieron a Augusto y haremos un breve perfil biográfico del personaje. Finalmente, indagaremos en los casos en los que Labeón mostró su oposición a la figura de Augusto.AbstractIn the Senate there were always individuals who opposed Octavius and  several of them came to conspire against him. After the confinement of Lepidus from the political sphere, which caused Antonius and Octavius to remain face to face, the latter was subject to several conspiracies. This form of more violent opposition is the one that predominates in the ensemble of the classic sources, which collect important data to know the relations between the Senate and the princeps. However, among them, there is a particular fact that attracts attention, since it is a case of non-violent opposition and that it becomes extolled at the sources (Tac., Ann., 3, 75), represented by the jurist Marcus Antistius Labeo. To address the issue, first, we will collect the cases before Antistius Labeo which opposed Augustus and make a brief biographical profile of the character. Finally, we will investigate the cases in which Labeo showed his opposition to the figure of Augustus.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dagmar Bussiek

As an officer, military theorist and peace researcher, Wolf Graf von Baudissin seems to have been a living contradiction. He began his military career in the German Reichswehr and, as a soldier in Hitler’s Wehrmacht, fought in the Battle of France during World War II, before being captured by the British in Africa in 1941. During the development of the German armed forces, he became one of the most important pioneers of the concept of ‘Innere Führung’, which is based on the guiding principle of the citizen in uniform and stipulates how soldiers should be led and treat each other. From 1971 to 1984 he worked as the founding director of the Institute for Peace Research and Security Policy at the University of Hamburg. In this book, the historian Dagmar Bussiek portrays Baudissin’s incredible life story by drawing on a wide range of sources.


2002 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 619-633 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adam Jones

Kalevi J. Holsti retired from his position as Killam Professor Emeritus in the Political Science Department of the University of British Columbia, Vancouver, in June 1999. Prof. Holsti's long and wide-ranging career has produced a number of classic works in the IR field, among them The Dividing Discipline (1985), International Politics: A Framework for Analysis (7th edn., 1994), Peace and War: Armed Conflicts and International Order, 1648–1989 (1991), and The State, War, and the State of War (1996). The following interview was conducted in January 2001 in Vancouver. A number of alterations were subsequently made to the raw transcript in consultation with Prof. Holsti.


2019 ◽  
Vol 56 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-19 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stefan Auer

AbstractThe European Union is caught between technocracy and the politics of the exception, eroding in the process the very political sphere that makes democracy work. Partly a cause of this erosion and partly an effect, the EU retreats into the ‘rule of rules’ when faced with what are, in fact, profoundly political problems. Whether it be in response to the eurozone crisis, EU–Russia–Ukraine relations or the influx of refugees, the EU's policies led to conflicts over geopolitics, sovereignty and redistribution. Its apolitical responses were as ubiquitous as they were inadequate. They reflect Germany's preference for consensual politics, which is paradoxically enforced by Angela Merkel's dictum about there being ‘no alternative’. In order to think of alternatives to the Europe that exists, we need to revive ‘the political’, theorized by the likes of Carl Schmitt, Max Weber and Hannah Arendt at times when democracy was under duress.


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