scholarly journals AESTHETIC INSTRUMENTATION FOR FORMING IMAGINED COMMUNITIES: THE PHENOMENON OF THE NATIONAL ANTHEM

2021 ◽  
pp. 212-231
Author(s):  
O.Y. Khoroshylov
Keyword(s):  
Comparative Method ◽  
Social Engineering ◽  
Political Community ◽  
Literary Texts ◽  
The Political ◽  
National Anthem ◽  
Critical Content ◽  
Building Process ◽  
The Aesthetic ◽  
The Right

The article is devoted to the study of the experience of using aesthetic tools in the formation of national groups. The object of the research is the state anthems, as a concentrated manifestation of the self-interpretation of the political community. The methodology of this article is based on constructivism, which interprets nations as imaginary communities and focuses the attention of the researcher on the practice of using soft technologies of collective integration. It`s addressed to the problem of using literary texts in the processes of collective integration made it possible to include not only representatives of political, but also creative elites in the list of subjects of social engineering. It has been proved that the political significance of the national anthem is manifested through "texts` violence". It`s the ability of the ruling circles to transmit group values to the subordinate array, which is achieved due to the legislative consolidation of a generally binding status for a certain text and due to the aesthetic impact on the consciousness of members of the community. The research methodology is presented by the using the procedures of the comparative method. It was carried out in such clusters as: justification of the right to exist (source of legitimation), "We are the image" of the commonality, common heroes, imaginary geography. It was achieved the identification of statistical patterns and features of the studied text arrays with analytical procedures for critical content analysis of the national anthems of European states. The results of the study confirmed the effectiveness of the procedures and tools of social engineering as one of the scenarios for the creation of national collectives in the European cultural area, substantiated the expediency of using the approved methodology to identify the cultural means of the nation-building process within the borders of Europe, and revealed the prospects of its application in relation to countries of the non-European cultural area.

Dissensus in the Community: Disrupting Neoliberal Affects in La Comunidad

2020 ◽  
pp. 66-91
Author(s):  
Mónica López Lerma
Keyword(s):  
Monetary Union ◽  
European Monetary Union ◽  
Political Community ◽  
The Political ◽  
Consumer Society ◽  
European Monetary ◽  
Liberal Democracies ◽  
The Aesthetic ◽  
Political Character ◽  
Real Strength

Chapter three rethinks the notions of political community and democracy through Alex de la Iglesia’s La Comunidad (2000), and places them in the context of the anxieties attending Spain’s integration in the European Monetary Union (EMU) in 1999. Taking as starting points Jean Baudrillard’s vision of the “consumer society” and Jacques Rancière’s account of the “politics of consensus,” this chapter suggests that La Comunidad launches a powerful critique of the ideological presuppositions and “regimes of visibility” of Western liberal democracies. However, departing from previous analyses, it is argued that the real strength of the film lies not in its ability to render visible this order of domination, but rather in its ability to create an aesthetics of dissensus within the sensory world of the viewer. In this way, the film demonstrates not just the aesthetic dimension of politics, but the political character of aesthetics.

Citizenship and Paternalism*

2021 ◽  
pp. 9-27
Author(s):  
Luara Ferracioli
Keyword(s):  
Prima Facie ◽  
Political Community ◽  
The Self ◽  
The Political ◽  
Philosophical Literature ◽  
Political Communities ◽  
The Right

Do states have a right to exclude prospective immigrants as they see fit? According to statists, the answer is a qualified yes. For these authors, self-determining political communities have a prima facie right to exclude, which can be overridden by the claims of vulnerable individuals. However, there is a concern in the philosophical literature that statists have not yet developed a theory that can protect children born in the territory from being excluded from the political community. For if the self-determining political community has the right to decide who should form the self in the first place, then that right should count against both newcomers by immigration and newcomers by birth. Or so the concern goes. This chapter defends statism against this line of criticism and defends a new account of the value of citizenship for children.

Price Fixing and the Political Community, 1778–1779

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kenneth Owen
Keyword(s):  
Political Culture ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Community ◽  
Popular Sovereignty ◽  
The Political ◽  
Economic Regulation ◽  
State Constitution ◽  
The People ◽  
The Right

In 1779, Pennsylvanians undertook a bold experiment in economic regulation—forming price-fixing committees to reverse wartime inflation. This chapter analyzes the committees’ structure and the context in which they were created. Winter 1778 saw great political turbulence: the evacuation of Philadelphia, treason trials, and an attempt to rewrite the state constitution. By 1779, defenders of the constitution were using price-fixing committees as a means of defending a Constitutionalist vision of government in which the people held the reins of power and the right to shape that government. Though the committees struggled to establish universal legitimacy, they helped legitimate a robust participatory political culture based upon popular sovereignty. This culture, though, remained turbulent, as in the Fort Wilson Incident of October 1779, in which militiamen surrounded the house of Republican politician James Wilson. This chapter investigates how Constitutionalists defended their vision of political culture even during periods of great upheaval.

A Land Fit for Tories to Live In: The Political Ecology of the British Conservative Party, 1944–94

1995 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 189-208 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Turner
Keyword(s):  
Political Ecology ◽  
Social Engineering ◽  
Conservative Party ◽  
Second World War ◽  
The Political ◽  
British Politics ◽  
World War ◽  
Mass Politics ◽  
The Right ◽  
Second World

Although the industrialised West has seen since the 1970s a very marked leaning to the right both in government and in popular politics, the experience of the British Conservative Party has been unique. The party can trace a continuous existence to the reconstruction of the King's government by William Pitt the Younger in 1784, and is probably the oldest political organisation in the world: far older, indeed, than most sovereign states. In two centuries of life it has transformed itself from the party of monarchy, aristocracy and the Established Church into a highly successful practitioner of mass politics. It has been in government, either as the sole party of government or as the dominant partner in coalition, for seventy years in the last hundred, and thirty-two years in the last fifty. This remarkable political achievement can be explained at many levels; the purpose of this article is to explore just one of them. By bringing together the explanatory insights of political scientists working on electoral sociology with the records of the party in government and opposition, it is possible to discern how the Conservatives used the opportunities of government to cultivate the society which tended, and increasingly tends, to give them victory at the ballot box. This cultivation of the political environment was not exactly social engineering – a project which contemporary Conservatives emphatically reject – but in tune with the biological metaphor of the title of this paper it could be called ‘social gardening’. The first part of the article examines very briefly how political scientists have come to understand the functioning of the British electoral process since the Second World War. The second part explores the process of adaptation which has enabled the Conservative Party to dominate British politics since the war.

Political Authority and Revolution

Worldview ◽  
1974 ◽  
Vol 17 (5) ◽  
pp. 27-34
Author(s):  
Theodore R. Weber
Keyword(s):  
Political Authority ◽  
Political Community ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Society ◽  
The Right

Political authority is the right to exercise the power of the polis, the political community, over and on behalf of the members of the community. It implies the obligation of the members to obey those who exercise power by right when they act within the limits set by the criteria of authorization. Every political society this side of the eschaton must embody viable relationships of authority and obedience. If not, the society must either be sustained by tyranny, which is arbitrary force and not authoritative power, or else dissolve into anarchy, which surely then will lead to tyranny.

Collective Rights and the Ancient Community

1991 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 387-399 ◽  
Author(s):  
Moshe Berent
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Political Community ◽  
The Political ◽  
Home Rule ◽  
National Interests ◽  
Classical Greece ◽  
Liberal Democratic ◽  
Democratic Nation ◽  
The Right ◽  
Modern Era

The principle of national self-determination asserts the collective right of the nation for self-government. This principle is now a corner-stone of modem political thought. The idea of “home rule” or the ideal of a self-governed political community is a very old one which originated in classical Greece. Yet the modern idea of the free self-governed community differs in some important aspects from the old one.National sovereignty, or the community’s collective right of “home rule”, means today the right of the political community to its own State. The State, at least the modern liberal democratic Nation-State, is conceived as an instrument by which sovereignty is constituted and national interests are promoted. In this way antiquity poses an interesting problem, since the State is a product of the modern era and was hardly known in the ancient world. The absence of State was not accidental to the ancient community; it was accompanied by an adequate system of ideas concerning the nature of the political community.

scholarly journals Progressive Eras, Periods of Reaction, and Constitutional Change

2014 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 437-459 ◽  
Author(s):  
Danny Nicol
Keyword(s):  
Social Influence ◽  
Crucial Role ◽  
Political Community ◽  
The Political ◽  
Constitutional Change ◽  
General Phenomenon ◽  
Labour Government ◽  
Liberal Government ◽  
Political Communities ◽  
The Right

This article argues that “political herding” plays a crucial role in driving and shaping constitutional change. It links the prevalence of political herding to a psychological phenomenon, “social influence.” It goes on to argue that constitutional change is often driven by the desire for certain substantive policies, which in turn are determined by whether, in a particular epoch, the political community is herding in a progressive or reactionary direction. Contending that the general phenomenon whereby political communities go through recurrent swings to the left or to the right has been neglected by scholars, this essay aims to give this phenomenon the centrality it merits in relation to the evolution of the British constitution. Accordingly it considers the 1906 Liberal government, the 1945 Labour government and the lengthy succession of post-1979 neoliberal governments, analyzing how substantive progressive and reactionary programs led to constitutional change. Finally this article considers the legitimacy both of political herding itself, and of political herding's impact on constitutional change.

Arendt and the Legitimate Expectation for Hospitality and Membership Today

2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 127-149 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael D. Weinman
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Legal Status ◽  
Political Community ◽  
The Political ◽  
Displaced Persons ◽  
Legitimate Expectation ◽  
Nation States ◽  
Resident Alien ◽  
The Right

Abstract What does the growing tide of displaced persons today teach us about the ongoing paradoxes of human rights regimes, which rely on the particular sovereignty of nation-states for their constitution and application but are framed and normatively justified as universal? Working with Arendt’s defense of ‘the right to have rights’ in response to the problem of statelessness which is the practical lynchpin of these historical and theoretical tensions, I specify that and why any person on earth, regardless of their legal status as a national or resident or non-resident alien, can legitimately expect two things from the political community in which they reside: hospitality and membership.

The Constitutional Justification of Religion

2015 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 14-35
Author(s):  
Rafael Domingo
Keyword(s):  
Legal System ◽  
Religious Community ◽  
Political Community ◽  
The Political ◽  
Human Beings ◽  
Legal Perspective ◽  
Dualistic Structure ◽  
The Right ◽  
Legal Consequences ◽  
Special Protection

This article addresses religion from a legal perspective. It argues that religious matters should be settled outside the secular legal system; otherwise, the secular legal system would not be truly secular. However, religion demands special protection as a public good and social value, as it constitutes an extrinsic constitutional limit of the legal. For a secular legal system, protecting religion ultimately means protecting human beings' pursuit of the suprarational. Protecting suprarationality has three important legal consequences: (a) suprarational acts in the strictest sense should never be validated as legal acts; (b) democratic communities should not use suprarational arguments in legal discourse; and (c) the secular legal system cannot regulate suprarationality or the essentials of the religious community. The protection of religion demands both a dualistic structure that distinguishes the political community from the religious community and the treatment of religion as a right: the right to religion.

scholarly journals Some Topical Aspects of Improvement of Architectural Environment in Russia: Problems of Providing Legal Support

Lex Russica ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 45-53
Author(s):  
O. I. Barkova ◽  
V. A. Vlasov
Keyword(s):  
Comparative Method ◽  
Historical Memory ◽  
Practical Importance ◽  
Cultural Property ◽  
Practical Significance ◽  
Property A ◽  
Private And Public ◽  
Historical Heritage ◽  
The Aesthetic ◽  
The Right

The scientific novelty of the problem of protection of architectural heritage in the Russian Federation is that many of its aspects are of not only theoretical, but also practical significance. The preservation of historical memory is becoming increasingly popular in our country, where, till recently, utilitarianism and pursuit for endless renewal have prevailed. It has been realized that every object of national cultural and historical heritage, regardless of the aesthetic effect and form of ownership, belongs to all the people of present and future generations. Every individual has the right to cultural property. A comparative method in cultural and protection activity is extremely relevant, since different countries have different stereotypes of assessment of tengible heritage. The authors have determined the regularities of different evaluations of similar phenomena, in connection with which carriers are assigned to two types of cultures. A methodological basis of the study includes the following theoretical provisions: «self-sufficient» communities are communities that thoroughly examine and fit each artifact into the mosaic of the existence of the community; «less self-sufficient» communities recognize their legacy as flawed, i.e. «ugly» physically and spiritually disabled, which «helps» part with them easily. On the example of the city of Krasnoyarsk the authors provide for the analysis of facts allowing to consider the second opinion «inspired» and subject to correction. This case as a phenomenon of the legal field manifests itself as a conflict of private and public interests, which requires its resolution. In order to find the most effective model of organization of the state apparatus and formation of legislation in the field of culture, it is necessary to use the method of state legal modeling. The conclusions of the authors are accompanied by recommendations, assessments, and proposals of practical importance.

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