Price Fixing and the Political Community, 1778–1779

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kenneth Owen
Keyword(s):  
Political Culture ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Community ◽  
Popular Sovereignty ◽  
The Political ◽  
Economic Regulation ◽  
State Constitution ◽  
The People ◽  
The Right

In 1779, Pennsylvanians undertook a bold experiment in economic regulation—forming price-fixing committees to reverse wartime inflation. This chapter analyzes the committees’ structure and the context in which they were created. Winter 1778 saw great political turbulence: the evacuation of Philadelphia, treason trials, and an attempt to rewrite the state constitution. By 1779, defenders of the constitution were using price-fixing committees as a means of defending a Constitutionalist vision of government in which the people held the reins of power and the right to shape that government. Though the committees struggled to establish universal legitimacy, they helped legitimate a robust participatory political culture based upon popular sovereignty. This culture, though, remained turbulent, as in the Fort Wilson Incident of October 1779, in which militiamen surrounded the house of Republican politician James Wilson. This chapter investigates how Constitutionalists defended their vision of political culture even during periods of great upheaval.

scholarly journals Political Theory of Populism

2019 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 111-127 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nadia Urbinati
Keyword(s):  
Political Culture ◽  
Political Theory ◽  
Popular Sovereignty ◽  
The Political ◽  
Representative Government ◽  
Constitutional Democracy ◽  
The People ◽  
Democratic Societies ◽  
Democratic Principles

Populism is the name of a global phenomenon whose definitional precariousness is proverbial. It resists generalizations and makes scholars of politics comparativist by necessity, as its language and content are imbued with the political culture of the society in which it arises. A rich body of socio-historical analyses allows us to situate populism within the global phenomenon called democracy, as its ideological core is nourished by the two main entities—the nation and the people—that have fleshed out popular sovereignty in the age of democratization. Populism consists in a transmutation of the democratic principles of the majority and the people in a way that is meant to celebrate one subset of the people as opposed to another, through a leader embodying it and an audience legitimizing it. This may make populism collide with constitutional democracy, even if its main tenets are embedded in the democratic universe of meanings and language. In this article, I illustrate the context-based character of populism and how its cyclical appearances reflect the forms of representative government. I review the main contemporary interpretations of the concept and argue that some basic agreement now exists on populism's rhetorical character and its strategy for achieving power in democratic societies. Finally, I sketch the main characteristics of populism in power and explain how it tends to transform the fundamentals of democracy: the people and the majority, elections, and representation.

scholarly journals POLITICAL SYSTEM AS A CONDITION FOR DEVELOPMENT OF STATE AND LAW

2019 ◽  
Vol 26 (6) ◽  
pp. 1803-1805
Author(s):  
Dimitar Spaseski
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Political Culture ◽  
Political System ◽  
Strong Relationship ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
The People ◽  
Democratic Societies ◽  
The Government

The state has a central place in the political system. Through its structure and positioning the country has the strength to be a unifier of society against its overall division of the various classes and layers, ethnic, cultural and other groups. The legitimacy of all these processes is given by laws that determine the trajectory of all processes and the conditions under which the processes take place. The state, by adopting the highest legal acts such as: the constitution and the laws, achieves one of its most important functions, which is the management of society. The state directs society to promote development, but also punishes and sanction infringements and mistakes. Depending on who exercises power in the state, i.e. whether it belongs to the people, to an individual or to a powerful group, the political system can be determined. The political system in itself includes the overall state relations, the relations in society and the guidelines for the conduct of the policy of the state. A state in which the government is elected by the people through direct elections certainly fulfills the basic requirement for the development of a stable civil society. The political system is one of the sub-systems of the entire civil society. The political system is specific in that all the activities and relations of which it is composed are directed to the state and its functions. The structure of the political system is composed of political and legal norms, political knowledge, political culture and political structure. These elements confirm the strong relationship between the state, the law and the political system. Developed democratic societies can talk about a developed political system that abounds with political culture and democracy. It is the aspiration of our life. Investing in democratic societies we invest in the future of our children. If we separate the subjects of the political system, we will determine that the people are the basis of the political system. All competencies intertwine around people. Political systems are largely dependent not only on the political processes that take place in them every day, but also on the economic performance and the economic power of the states. Economic stagnation or regression in some countries often threatens democracy and its values. We often forget that we cannot speak of the existence of a functioning and well-organized democratic political system without its strong economic support. In conditions of globalization, it is necessary to pay special attention to international positions as the main factor of the political system, for the simple reason that the functions of the state in this process are increasingly narrowing.

scholarly journals Re-imagining Petitioning in Spain (1808–1823)

2019 ◽  
Vol 43 (3) ◽  
pp. 487-508 ◽  
Author(s):  
Diego Palacios Cerezales
Keyword(s):  
Collective Action ◽  
Political Culture ◽  
Popular Sovereignty ◽  
The Political ◽  
Old Regime ◽  
Age Of Revolution ◽  
Popular Participation ◽  
Public Issues ◽  
Historical Trajectory ◽  
The Right

This article examines collective petitioning in metropolitan Spain during the Age of Revolution, focusing on the practices and discourses that framed petitioning as a meaningful form of action. There was a deeply rooted tradition of petitioning in old regime Spain, which was part of the ordinary bureaucratic workings of the crown and also provided a legitimizing framework for rioting in specific contexts. The collective experimentation in popular participation after the 1808 Napoleonic invasion transformed petitioning. Petitioning was first reconceptualized in accordance with the emerging language of rights and popular sovereignty. Activists and commentators had some awareness of the use of public petitioning in Britain, and once the representative Cortes met in Cadiz in 1810, public petition drives on public issues became part of the political culture. At the same time, the need to legitimate unconventional forms of action in the context of a crisis in the state converted petitioning into an all-embracing right. The right to petition, not only encompassed signed protest texts but also legitimated the old tradition of petitioning by riot and further was used to justify provincial rebellions, juntas, and military pronunciamientos. In comparative terms, this article highlights the elasticity of the language of petitioning during the Age of Revolution and cautions against narrowly associating it with one particular form of collective action or historical trajectory.

scholarly journals Political Culture and Tourism Development: A Case Study of Tamil Nadu State

2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 111-116
Author(s):  
S. Fazal Daoud Firdausi
Keyword(s):  
Political Culture ◽  
Tamil Nadu ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Tourism Development ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
The People ◽  
Tamil Nadu State ◽  
The Impact

Tourism development in any region is influenced by political culture and processes. It is inherently linked to the policies, agenda, decisions, outcomes and the type of government responsible for shaping policies related to tourism. The paper tries to find out the impact of political culture on tourism development. It also aims to assess the role of political culture in influencing tourist motivation through the data collected from urban tourist centres of the Southern Indian state of Tamil Nadu. Mixed method, consisting qualitative interpretation as well as descriptive and inferential statistics has been used to draw conclusions. It has come out from the study that the political culture of Tamil Nadu state may be characterized as a mix of subject and participant culture, where latter dominates the former. It can be concluded that the people of the state have always participated in political process through voting and changing the regime from time to time. The study also indicates that most of the people of the state are aware of their political obligations and actively participate in social campaigns and civic life. It can be concluded that the existing political culture in the state has compelled the political elite to think and work for the development of the state, including tourism development.

The Persistence of Political Community, 1795–1799

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kenneth Owen
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Political Culture ◽  
Political Engagement ◽  
Political Activism ◽  
Political Community ◽  
Decision Making Process ◽  
The People ◽  
Jay Treaty ◽  
The Right ◽  
Gubernatorial Election

This chapter analyses Pennsylvanian and American politics in the late 1790s, focusing particularly on the Jay Treaty debates, the Alien and Sedition Acts, the Fries Rebellion, and the Pennsylvania gubernatorial election of 1799 (a key precursor to the Adams–Jefferson election of 1800). In each episode, Pennsylvanians adopted a different set of political practices, all nevertheless predicated on some form of representative action. In all these episodes, Pennsylvanians argued the right of popular political engagement did not end at election time, but instead was a continuous factor that should shape the governmental decision-making process. The outpouring of popular political activism in a variety of forms underscored the importance of a participatory political culture that could be seen to represent the people as a whole.

Old Principles, New Constitutions, 1783–1790

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kenneth Owen
Keyword(s):  
Political Culture ◽  
The State ◽  
Popular Sovereignty ◽  
Constitutional Convention ◽  
State Constitution ◽  
The Us ◽  
Federal Constitutional ◽  
Us Constitution

This chapter investigates the period between the federal Constitutional Convention of 1787 and the revision of the Pennsylvania State Constitution in 1790. Debates over the ratification of the US Constitution grew out of and reflected long-running Pennsylvanian debates over ideal forms of government. These debates—rhetorically and literally violent—saw Federalists adopt the language of their Anti-Federalist opponents in using popular sovereignty and a participatory political culture to justify their new frame of government. This widened debates on governmental reform to include extra-governmental activism alongside formal structures of government. Thus the success of Pennsylvanian Federalists in revising the state constitution in 1790 was only possible through legitimizing extra-governmental mobilization—which in turn ensured that the spirit of the 1776 constitution remained at the heart of Pennsylvanian politics.

Collective Rights and the Ancient Community

1991 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 387-399 ◽  
Author(s):  
Moshe Berent
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Political Community ◽  
The Political ◽  
Home Rule ◽  
National Interests ◽  
Classical Greece ◽  
Liberal Democratic ◽  
Democratic Nation ◽  
The Right ◽  
Modern Era

The principle of national self-determination asserts the collective right of the nation for self-government. This principle is now a corner-stone of modem political thought. The idea of “home rule” or the ideal of a self-governed political community is a very old one which originated in classical Greece. Yet the modern idea of the free self-governed community differs in some important aspects from the old one.National sovereignty, or the community’s collective right of “home rule”, means today the right of the political community to its own State. The State, at least the modern liberal democratic Nation-State, is conceived as an instrument by which sovereignty is constituted and national interests are promoted. In this way antiquity poses an interesting problem, since the State is a product of the modern era and was hardly known in the ancient world. The absence of State was not accidental to the ancient community; it was accompanied by an adequate system of ideas concerning the nature of the political community.

scholarly journals The Legal Politics of Recall Right of Political Parties Relevance with the System of Popular Sovereignty In Dynamics of the Constitution of Indonesia

2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 20
Author(s):  
Malicia Evendia ◽  
Armen Yasir ◽  
Yulia Neta ◽  
Ade Arif Firmansyah
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Great Influence ◽  
Popular Sovereignty ◽  
The Political ◽  
Conceptual Approach ◽  
The People ◽  
Political Office ◽  
Policy Direction ◽  
The Right

The existence of regulation of recall rights of political parties as regulated in Law No. 17 of 2014 and Law No. 2 of 2008 bring a great influence on the position of legislative members. Based on these rules, legislators may be dismissed from their positions if proposed by Political Party. This certainly brings a polemic for the people as the sovereign owner, who have chosen their representatives through the electoral process, but when chosen representatives of the people can be dismissed from his position by a political parties through the mechanism of the right of recall. This research was done by doctrinal method approach as well as the use of the statute, historical, and conceptual approach. This results showed that the legal politics of recall right of political parties is actually only used as an instrument of the political parties in controlling its members in parliament in order to always adhere to the party's policy direction. This makes the recall right political party is legal products that characterized conservative or orthodox. The existence of a political party's recall rights order gives a great authority to the political parties to negate the result of the people's choice as the holder of sovereignty for the sake of the political party. The function of political parties as a means of political recruitment in the process of filling political office in this case as members of the legislature, should have been completed after the people chose their representatives through electoral mechanisms. Therefore, it is necessary for the reconstruction of the ideal and relevant recall rights arrangement to the people's sovereignty.

PARTISIPASI POLITIK DAN DINAMIKA DEMOKRASI DI TIDORE-MALUKU UTARA

2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (7) ◽  
Author(s):  
Kamaruddin Salim
Keyword(s):  
Political Participation ◽  
Political Culture ◽  
Political Community ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Descriptive Research ◽  
The People ◽  
The Government ◽  
The City

<p><em>Political Participation and the Dynamics of Democracy in the City of Tidore Islands provide an interesting picture in political studies in Indonesia. In political contestation along with the passing of Direct Local Election, the people of Tidore Islands have been educated in political participation and democracy. Increased level of community political participation in the 2019 Concurrent Election. Strengthening of community patrenalistic politics with the weakening role of political parties in educating the political community. The political culture of openness with the role of political actors emerged as a civil society group that was able to influence bureaucratic policies or be involved in determining who deserved to sit in the government or in the legislature. Political dynamics characterized by the circulation of new elites in the socio-political space illustrates the future of democracy by conducting analytical descriptive research in order to understand the process of political participation and democratization which is the most important learning for people in politics.</em></p><p><strong><em> </em></strong></p><p><strong><em>Keywords</em></strong><em>:Democracy, Concurrent Election, Political Culture, and Elite Circulation</em><em></em></p><p><strong> </strong></p>

scholarly journals The uses of ambiguity: representing ‘the people’ and the stability of states unions

2012 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 107-132 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew Glencross
Keyword(s):  
Political Community ◽  
Popular Sovereignty ◽  
Constitutive Relationship ◽  
Democratic Legitimacy ◽  
The Political ◽  
Democratic Accountability ◽  
The European Union ◽  
The People ◽  
The Stability ◽  
The Eu

The European Union (EU) and the antebellum US represent attempts to overcome anarchy without substituting hierarchy. Understood as ‘states unions’, these two systems are shown here to share foundational indeterminacy over sovereignty and the constitution of the people (i.e. the boundaries of the political community). Existing scholarship appreciates the EU's resulting democratic deficit but fails to problematize how dual ambiguity is sustained. The contrast between both states unions is used to probe this mutually constitutive relationship between sovereignty and democracy in an anti-hierarchical order. Defining the boundaries of the people by invoking popular sovereignty led in the antebellum, the paper argues, to a bifurcated debate over where the hierarchy of democratic legitimacy resided, destroying ambiguity. The contrast further shows that the EU has avoided the development of such rival, mutually exclusive constitutional visions that seek to make the people and sovereignty congruent at either the unit or union level. Instead, the EU has sustained dual constitutional ambiguity by allowing for multiple accountability claims reliant on overlapping notions of the people. Democratizing international cooperation thus should focus on the form democratic accountability can take rather than seeking to use popular sovereignty to establish some decision-making level where sovereignty and the people are congruent.

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