scholarly journals EU and Mercosur vis a vis the Trade Agreement. Remarks from the institutional perspective

OASIS ◽  
2017 ◽  
pp. 63-80
Author(s):  
Isabella Querci

The member States of Mercosur are currently negotiating a Trade Agreement with the EU, as part of the process towards a comprehensive bi-regional Association Agreement. In 2016, the EU and Mercosur members exchanged offers, followed by a negotiation round. The next round will be held in October 2017; while awaiting for political developments, it is worth anticipating some challenges to come, especially from a legal perspective. Both actors have a multilayered system for decision-making, requiring the consensus of a multiplicity of governmental actors and thus enabling them to convey. Furthermore, current dialogues consider a broad range of issues, which were also covered by different EU’s agreements with other trading partners. These agreements received critiques from the civil society, which are worth to reflect upon, considering that the trade agreement is due to impact the general negotiation for the bi-regional Association Agreement. The paper develops this reflection from a twofold perspective: that of the institutional nature of EU and Mercosur and that of the democratic deficit in the overall negotiation process.

2000 ◽  
Vol 42 (2) ◽  
pp. 35-62 ◽  
Author(s):  
José Antonio Sanahuja

Mexico and the European Union signed a new Political and Economic Association Agreement in December 1997 and ultimately a free-trade agreement in March 2000, aiming to establish a new model of relations with a more dynamic trade and investment component. This article analyzes the 1997 agreement as background to the final accord. Economic and political changes in the 1990s modified both parties’ participation in the international political economy, helping to overcome some of the structural obstacles to the relationship. The policy toward Latin America adopted by the EU in 1994 was influential. The negotiation process revealed divergences over the scope of the liberalization process and the so-called democracy clause.


Significance The USTR will subject 284 more products worth 16 billion dollars to public comment. President Donald Trump is intensifying his efforts to return manufacturing to the United States by imposing steep tariffs on industrial imports from leading trading partners including China, the EU, Canada, Mexico and Japan. China’s finance ministry announced it would impose matching tariffs on 545 categories of US imports from the same date. Tit-for-tat retaliation and belligerent rhetoric are exacerbating concerns about the broader challenge to the global trade regime. Impacts North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) renegotiations are unlikely to conclude in 2018, increasing the chance of US withdrawal. Trade splits with allies will damage Washington's ability to coordinate efforts to confront China on unfair intellectual property transfers. Globally integrated manufacturing supply chains and financial markes will cause US-China trade actions to impact firms in many countries. Cross-border investment fell by 23% in 2017 according to the United Nations -- another fall is likely this year due to the trade conflict.


2014 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 43-48
Author(s):  
Rosana Tomazini ◽  
Wilson Almeida ◽  
Nidi Bueno ◽  
Rog�rio Lustosa

Author(s):  
Parul Bajaj ◽  
Anuj Sharma

The trade agreement in goods between India and ASEAN became operational in January, 2010. The paper attempts an enquiry into the Tariff concession given to India by the ASEAN countries in the electrical goods sector and also attempts to identify product lines at HS 4 levels sub segments in the same where there could be possibility for the exports to increase due to tariff cuts in the significant product categories as the two regions become more important trading partners in times to come. The paper will also give an overview of the tariff cuts in the identified tariff lines given by the ASEAN nations to India.


Ukraine's foreign trade is one of the most important means of increasing the state budget, and the European Union is the strongest global economic organization, the largest and best regional market in the world. Therefore, the study of the problems of economic cooperation between Ukraine and the EU in the context of wide and favorable access of domestic enterprises products to the EU markets is becoming increasingly important for achieving a strategic goal. This goal concludes the development of Ukraine`s economy and achievement of a rightful place in the international differentiation of labor. The article considered the socio-economic nature, role and importance of international trade; main problems and prospects of Ukraine's trade with the EU as well as its dynamics and structure, various methods which are applied to analyze the current state of foreign trade of Ukraine with the EU. In our work we analyzed the obstacles of trading between Ukraine and the EU, ways to overcome them and benefits of this trade. The application of the Free Trade Area between Ukraine and the EU contributes to the gradual expansion of Ukrainian export access to European markets under the Association Agreement. The execution of this agreement for Ukrainian business entities simplified the entry to the protected domestic market of EU Member States and gave the opportunity to realize its own competitive benefits in purchase quality and price. Under this Free Trade Agreement Ukraine assumed not only opportunities but also certain obligations on improvement of quality standards and product safety, implementation of reforms in the area of technical regulation, development of quality assurance system and safety food industry. The simplification of goods access to other markets is indirect benefit for Ukrainian manufactures. The entry to the EU markets with high level standards automatically indicates goods quality.


2019 ◽  
pp. 345-367 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rochelle Cooper Dreyfuss

This chapter examines the impulse to include intellectual property within the scope of a megaregional trade agreement that is largely devoted to the promotion of a particular vision of economic ordering and to the adoption of a regional framework supportive of competition, investment, and regulatory coherence. Using the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) as an example, it argues that megaregional intellectual property agreements not only lead to changes in the law within member states, but can also have strong effects outside those states. The innovation sector within the region’s trading partners must adapt to the new regime if it wishes to continue to trade in the region. That can alter the intellectual property politics in these other countries. Furthermore, members of the epistemic community within the new regime influence those outside it. Finally, the law of the megaregion has an impact on the ability of the member states to negotiate future agreements with third countries and can also affect the way that existing agreements are interpreted. The last section of the chapter discusses the normative implications of megaregional spillover effects on third countries. While a megaregional exposes countries that had no role in the negotiation process to a changed legal landscape, it also creates a new way to harmonize intellectual property law, what I call “sideways” harmonization. Third countries can join at their own pace and in a manner that is responsive to their own creative sectors. These agreements also offer an opportunity to experiment with transnational trade rules, such as rules on in transit seizure, parallel importation, and cross-border enforcement.


Author(s):  
Maria Garcia

Official relations between Chile and the European Union (formerly the European Communities) date back to 1967 when the two parties first opened diplomatic representations in Brussels and Santiago, respectively. As Chile transitioned to a democratic polity from 1990, the relationship deepened. Reflecting the EU’s support for democratization in Latin America, both parties formalized ties through the signing of a Cooperation Framework Agreement in 1991 and a Framework Agreement on Trade and Economic Cooperation in 1996. The latter set Chile and the EU on the path to eventually negotiating an Association Agreement, including a preferential trade agreement (PTA), between 1999 and 2002. The Association Agreement has been in force since 2003, and in 2017 Chile and the EU decided to launch negotiations to modernize the preferential trade agreement part of the Association. The bilateral relationship, and its study, have been defined by three key areas: (1) political relations, (2) cooperation relations, and (2) economic relations. The political and cooperation ties between the two parties have, in turn, been determined by two strands of EU external policies: (1) the EU’s overarching approach toward relations with Latin America, and (2) the evolution of the EU’s development policy. Economic relations, for their part, cover rising trade flows and increasing investment (especially EU foreign direct investment outflows and stocks in Chile). Chile’s attractiveness, despite its relatively small economy and population, derives from its specific political economy. Chile’s painful market reforms under the Pinochet regime set it on a path of greater economic openness than its neighbours. Democratic governments since 1990 have continued policies of trade liberalization, low tariffs, and active engagement in the creation of a dense network of global preferential trade agreements with Chile at its center as a gateway to Latin America. This has helped to diversify Chilean trade relations away from over-reliance on the EU or the United States, and has made Chile an attractive target for foreign investment. The trade agreement part of the Association Agreement ushered in deeper economic ties, and a body of scholarly analyses of the agreement and its impacts has slowly emerged. Relations with Chile have formed part of the EU’s broader strategy toward Latin America, rather than independent EU strategy. Initial steps toward an Association Agreement were within the context of negotiations for an Association Agreement between the EU and Mercosur (the Common Market of the South). Analysis of the EU–Chile relationship has, as a result, tended to be sparse and to be included as a subsection in studies of broader EU–Latin America relations, and especially EU–Mercosur relations. Nevertheless, the relationship represents a positive example of successful engagement with a relatively like-minded partner in a mature association, and demonstrates the extent of and possibilities for EU foreign policy engagement. Moreover, the relationship has served as a testing ground for new types of projects and collaborations and for mutual learning, such as the parties’ joint projects on increasing gender representation in politics, or the inclusion of gender clauses, for the first time in an EU preferential trade agreement, in the modernization of the EU–Chile agreement.


2015 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 77-97 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elżbieta Kawecka-Wyrzykowska

On 1 September 2014, the Association Agreement (AA) between the EU and Georgia partially came into force. Its main pillar is a “deep and comprehensive free trade agreement” (DCFTA). It provides for the full liberalisation of trade in industrial products and substantial reduction of barriers in agricultural trade. A significant part of the AA is devoted to the elimination of regulatory barriers to trade (e.g. technical standards). The Agreement provides for a progressive and partial liberalisation of trade in services as well as for fast and deep elimination of barriers to capital flows. The liberalisation of the movement of workers is of a very limited scope however. Provisions of the EU–Georgia AA resemble the earlier Europe Agreements (EAs) signed by the Central and Eastern European Countries, albeit there are many differences as well. It is expected that the AA will bring about a number of advantages for Georgia, including: (a) stabilisation of its economic and legal system, thus making it more predictable for investors and more business friendly; (b) alignment of many business laws to those in the EU, which will broaden the market for Georgian products and services; (c) better implementation of business laws. The short term advantages resulting from trade liberalisation will be modest for Georgia, partly because it granted open access to its market before the AA entered into force. Implementation of the Agreement will involve adjustment costs, which are usually an inevitable part of the path to increasing exports to the huge EU market.


Author(s):  
O. Shnyrkov

The structural reforms in Ukraine are taking place under extraordinary and unprecedented for international economy circumstances. The annexation of Crimea, the war in Donbas region, the loss of important economical potential, human causalities, lack of territorial integrity guaranties from other countries formed a new system of challenges not only for our country but for the whole world in total. Under the external aggression and trade war with Russia the Association Agreement with the European Union should become the main and effective Ukraine’s economical structural changes mechanism. The economical part of Association Agreement with the EU and the deep free trade agreement are characterized as liberalization of mutual trade and regulatory convergence especially including the technical standards regulation field. Modern liberalization in mutual trade between Ukraine and EU has low tariff protection of the EU market for Ukrainian goods and doesn’t not affect the common volume of trade. That is why the technical barriers remains the main obstacles in Ukrainian goods export to the European single market.


Author(s):  
Vladislav Secrieru ◽  
Galina A. Terskaya ◽  
Nadezda N. Solovykh

Agriculture is one of the most important aspects of every country's economy. The Republic of Moldova enjoys a competitive advantage in agricultural output due to its excellent soil and temperate temperature. The Association Agreement between Moldova and the European Union (EU), which was signed in 2014, greatly increased Moldovan producers' access to EU markets. The EU is Moldova's most significant economic partner, accounting for over 70% of the country's exports in 2019. In general, integrating Moldovan food producers into global value chains through supply chain connections with big retailers and exports helps them to scale up, improve productivity, and eventually contribute more to Moldova's economic growth. The developments in Moldova's agricultural and food trade following the establishment of the Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Agreement (DCFTA) with the European Union are examined in this study. The study will look at Moldova's foreign trade activities from the standpoint of agriculture and food goods.


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