scholarly journals A deep influence: United States-Colombia bilateral relations and security sector reform (SSR), 1994-2002

OPERA ◽  
2017 ◽  
pp. 35-54 ◽  
Author(s):  
Javier Alberto Castrillón Riascos ◽  
René Alonso Guerra Molina
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Human Capital ◽  
Human Rights ◽  
The United States ◽  
Internal Conflict ◽  
Security Sector Reform ◽  
Security Sector ◽  
Sector Reform ◽  
Bilateral Relations ◽  
Colombian Government

The internal conflict in Colombia has propelled the development of security sector reform (SSR) programs; however, these programs have been usually linked to the influence of relations between the United States and Colombia in military and foreign policy terms. The main objective of this essay is to understand said interplay from the mid-1990’s to the early 2000’s, which marked the biggest transformations to the Colombian defense sector in human rights, doctrine, equipment, and human capital. The analysis shows that such influence allowed for the consolidation of an offensive strategy which helped the Colombian government turn the balance of the internal conflict in its favor.

Security Sector Reform and the Competition for Power in Lebanon

2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 39-54
Author(s):  
Guillem Farrés-Fernández
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
Security Sector Reform ◽  
Security Sector ◽  
Sector Reform ◽  
Independent Institutions

The interest of the Lebanese elites who launched the security sector reform (SSR) process was in to regain control and influence over the security sector more than to create independent institutions respectful of human rights. At a time of deep social and political crisis, not only had these actors lost their previous influence on the security sector but also this sector had become a source of power, largely in the hands of their political opponents, and was being used against them. This case illustrates how power competition between elites can disrupt the process of SSR, or even be the very origin of the conception of SSR programs.

Security Sector Reform in authoritarian regimes: The OSCE experience of police assistance programming in Central Asia

2011 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 103-117 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Lewis
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Negative Impact ◽  
Civil Liberties ◽  
Authoritarian Regimes ◽  
Fragile States ◽  
Security Sector Reform ◽  
Police Reform ◽  
Security Sector ◽  
Sector Reform ◽  
Post Conflict

AbstractSecurity sector reform — including police reform — has been an important element in international programmes in many post-conflict and so-called 'fragile' states. In Central Asian states — mostly ruled by authoritarian regimes — the OSCE has been engaged in a variety of programmes to help reform the police, which have often been accused of abuses of human rights. There has been a significant police assistance programme in Kyrgyzstan, and smaller initiatives and activities have been implemented in Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, and Tajikistan. Most of these initiatives have failed to achieve their objectives; in certain cases they may have had a negative impact on the OSCE's credibility in the region as an organization that promotes a comprehensive view of security, including attention to human rights and civil liberties. The article suggests that external assistance to the security sector in authoritarian political systems poses particularly difficult challenges, if there is no parallel process of political democratisation. In addition, a complex relationship between state security forces and organised crime poses additional challenges to police reform programmes. The article suggests that the OSCE might usefully review its policies to improve its effectiveness in this area and to ensure that its approach remains consistent with its basic principles.

Security Sector Reform and Transitional Justice after the Arab-Majority Uprisings

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Omar Ashour ◽  
Sherif Mohyeldeen
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Transitional Justice ◽  
Security Sector Reform ◽  
Security Sector ◽  
Sector Reform ◽  
The Government ◽  
Fact Finding ◽  
The Military

In Chapter 12, Omar Ashour and Sherif Mohyelden examine the linked demands for transitional justice and security sector reform during and after the uprisings in Egypt. They trace the targeting of security and intelligence forces during the uprising, as perpetrators of particular abuses, and the demands in the post-Mubarak period for transitional justice and specific measures of security sector reform. These were initiated in limited ways, such as through fact-finding committees, but further steps were not taken, and following the coup in 2013, the military authorities did not support reform of the sector or transitional justice. Although human rights and transitional justice bodies were established by the government, few substantive steps were taken and the prospects for reform are slim.

Uzbekistan and the United States

2006 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 102-105
Author(s):  
Mehmet Kalyoncu
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Human Rights ◽  
War On Terror ◽  
Political System ◽  
The United States ◽  
Security Forces ◽  
Bilateral Relations ◽  
Independent States ◽  
Close Cooperation ◽  
The Common

Uzbek president Islam Karimov has gotten away relatively easily with hisbrutal suppression of the Andijon uprising (May 13-14, 2005), in which thestate security forces opened fire on protesters and killed about 700 of them.Despite the fact that this book was written before this event, ShahramAkbarzadeh’s Uzbekistan and the United States: Authoritarianism,Islamism & Washington’s Security Agenda articulates quite well howKarimov came to the point where he could find the courage to becomeincreasingly authoritarian despite Uzbekistan’s bad record of human rightsabuses and failed democratic reforms. The author argues that Karimov’salready existing authoritarianism has intensified and yet has been relativelyignored as a result of his close cooperation with the United States in theAmerican-led “war-on-terror.” He argues that the common threat of Islamist extremism has brought the United States and Uzbekistan togetherand has become a pretext for the latter to continue its repressive policies,which have caused Uzbekistan’s human rights and democratization recordsto falter even further.Akbarzadeh takes the reader through a series of sociopolitical transformationsby which Karimov has sought to consolidate his power. Theseinclude the domestic restructuring of the Uzbek political system in the post-Soviet era; regional alignments and power struggles, most notably againstRussia; and, finally, Tashkent’s long-sought bilateral relations with theUnited States, which gained a whole new dimension after 9/11 and throughoutthe American-led “war on terror.” The author concludes that the cooperationbetween Tashkent and Washington in the fight against Islamistextremism and, consequently, the latter’s downplaying its concerns aboutdemocratic reforms in Uzbekistan, would only encourage Karimov to bemore repressive and less accountable toward the citizens of Uzbekistan.The book contributes to the understanding of political developments in thenewly independent states by probing the interaction between Uzbek domesticpolitics and the international political and security agendas ...

Responsible risk-taking in conflict-affected countries: the need for due diligence and the importance of collective approaches

2012 ◽  
Vol 94 (887) ◽  
pp. 1069-1087 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Bray ◽  
Antony Crockett
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Risk Taking ◽  
Good Governance ◽  
State Failure ◽  
Due Diligence ◽  
Security Sector Reform ◽  
Security Sector ◽  
Sector Reform ◽  
Security Forces ◽  
Business And Human Rights

AbstractThis article discusses some of the challenges that may be encountered by companies seeking to adhere to the Voluntary Principles on Security and Human Rights and the United Nations Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights when operating in conflict-affected countries. The authors argue that corporate respect for human rights may not be sufficient to correct or compensate for state failure and also suggest that the leverage or influence enjoyed by individual companies in relation to the conduct of security forces and host governments may be limited, particularly in times of crisis. There is therefore a need for a collective approach to human rights risks in conflict-affected countries, and this should focus on public security sector reform and good governance as well as on corporate due diligence.

National Power and Regional Security

2019 ◽  
pp. 125-146
Author(s):  
Ian Hall
Keyword(s):  
National Security ◽  
The United States ◽  
Regional Security ◽  
Security Sector Reform ◽  
Security Sector ◽  
Sector Reform ◽  
The Us ◽  
Net Security ◽  
National Power ◽  
To Come

This chapter analyses the Modi government’s management of national security. It explores the role played by both inherited Hindu nationalist and newer understandings of India’s role as a potential ‘net security provider’ and ‘leading power’. It examines the government’s handling of India’s relations with China and the United States, as well as with Pakistan. And it addresses the vexed issue of security sector reform and military modernisation. It argues that despite considerable ambition and a concerted and largely successful attempt to build a stronger partnership with the US, Modi’s India struggled to come to terms with the sheer scale of the task of extending and leveraging the country’s hard power.

scholarly journals Philippine-US relations: the relevance of an evolving alliance

2015 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-18
Author(s):  
Ava Patricia C. Avila ◽  
Justin Goldman
Keyword(s):  
The United States ◽  
Contentious Politics ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
International Peace ◽  
Security Sector Reform ◽  
Security Cooperation ◽  
Security Sector ◽  
Sector Reform ◽  
Colonial Legacy ◽  
Peace And Security

The Philippines and the United States maintain close ties that are grounded in a Mutual Defense Treaty signed in 1951. Security cooperation has been a hallmark despite evolving dynamics in the bilateral relationship, including a US colonial legacy that continues to cast a long shadow for many Filipinos. While contentious politics and domestic limitations present a potential constraint on the upward trajectory of the alliance relationship, there are indications that this expanded engagement can continue beyond the Aquino administration. The paper examines the condition of Philippine forces under President Aquino, the International Peace and Security Plan to pursue a credible external defense capability, the process of security sector reform, and matters pursuing a strong Philippine-US alliance.

Palestine Unbound

2018 ◽  
Vol 47 (3) ◽  
pp. 130-134
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Human Rights ◽  
Task Force ◽  
The United States ◽  
Donald Trump ◽  
Tel Aviv ◽  
The Us ◽  
Intention To Move ◽  
Arab Israeli Conflict ◽  
The U.S

This section, updated regularly on the blog Palestine Square, covers popular conversations related to the Palestinians and the Arab-Israeli conflict during the quarter 16 November 2017 to 15 February 2018: #JerusalemIstheCapitalofPalestine went viral after U.S. president Donald Trump recognized Jerusalem as the capital of Israel and announced his intention to move the U.S. embassy there from Tel Aviv. The arrest of Palestinian teenager Ahed Tamimi for slapping an Israeli soldier also prompted a viral campaign under the hashtag #FreeAhed. A smaller campaign protested the exclusion of Palestinian human rights from the agenda of the annual Creating Change conference organized by the US-based National LGBTQ Task Force in Washington. And, UNRWA publicized its emergency funding appeal, following the decision of the United States to slash funding to the organization, with the hashtag #DignityIsPriceless.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document