scholarly journals A proposta de um novo marco regulatório para a comunicação no Brasil e as políticas para o setor | The proposal of a new regulation for Communication in Brazil and the public policies for Communication

2016 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Carlos Henrique Demarchi ◽  
Maria Teresa Miceli Kerbauy
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Civil Society ◽  
Public Policies ◽  
Civil Society Organizations ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Public ◽  
National Conference ◽  
Theoretical Support ◽  
Communication Policies ◽  
National Forum

RESUMO A realização da 1ª Conferência Nacional de Comunicação (Confecom) em 2009 no Brasil teve como consequência o fortalecimento de organizações da sociedade civil ocupadas com a democratização da mídia. Uma dessas entidades é o FNDC (Fórum Nacional pela Democratização da Comunicação), que colocou na agenda de debates a necessidade de um novo marco regulatório para a radiodifusão. A partir da metodologia e do exame da revisão bibliográfica, e tomando como aporte teórico a economia política da comunicação, o presente artigo examina a proposta de um novo marco regulatório no período, considerando a ausência de políticas para a área.Palavras-chave: Marco regulatório; Democratização; Confecom; Políticas de Comunicação; Economia Política.ABSTRACT The first National Conference on Communication (Confecom), held in 2009 in Brazil, had as its main result the strengthening of civil society organizations which dealt with media democratization. The National Forum for the Democratization of Communication (FNDC) is one of such entities and has stressed the need for new regulation regarding media broadcasting. Based on bibliographical research and the analysis of its results, as well as the theoretical support of the political economy of communication, this paper analyzes the proposal for new regulation in the period, taking into account the lack of public policies in the Communication segment.Keywords: Regulation; Democratization; Confecom; Communication Policies; Political Economy of Communication.

scholarly journals The political economy of sugar-sweetened beverage taxation in Latin America: lessons from Mexico, Chile and Colombia

2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Angela Carriedo ◽  
Adam D. Koon ◽  
Luis Manuel Encarnación ◽  
Kelley Lee ◽  
Richard Smith ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Public Health ◽  
Political Economy ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Civil Society ◽  
Policy Process ◽  
Transnational Corporations ◽  
Civil Society Organizations ◽  
The Political ◽  
Sugar Sweetened Beverages ◽  
Sweetened Beverages

Abstract Background In Latin America, total sales of sugar-sweetened beverages (SSBs) continue to rise at an alarming rate. Consumption of added sugar is a leading cause of diet-related non-communicable diseases (NCDs). Coalitions of stakeholders have formed in several countries in the region to address this public health challenge including participation of civil society organizations and transnational corporations. Little is currently known about these coalitions – what interests they represent, what goals they pursue and how they operate. Ensuring the primacy of public health goals is a particular governance challenge. This paper comparatively analyses governance challenges involved in the adoption of taxation of sugar-sweetened beverages in Mexico, Chile and Colombia. The three countries have similar political and economic systems, institutional arrangements and regulatory instruments but differing policy outcomes. Methods We analysed the political economy of SSB taxation based on a qualitative synthesis of existing empirical evidence. We identify the key stakeholders involved in the policy process, identified their interests, and assess how they influenced adoption and implementation of the tax. Results Coalitions for and against the SSB taxation formed the basis of policy debates in all three countries. Intergovernmental support was critical to framing the SSB tax aims, benefits and implementation; and for countries to adopt it. A major constraint to implementation was the strong influence of transnational corporations (TNCs) in the policy process. A lack of transparency during agenda setting was notably enhanced by the powerful presence of TNCs. Conclusion NCDs prevention policies need to be supported across government, alongside grassroots organizations, policy champions and civil society groups to enhance their success. However, governance arrangements involving coalitions between public and private sector actors need to recognize power asymmetries among different actors and mitigate their potentially negative consequences. Such arrangements should include clear mechanisms to ensure transparency and accountability of all partners, and prevent undue influence by industry interests associated with unhealthy products.

scholarly journals The political economy of sugar-sweetened beverages taxation in Latin America: Lessons from Mexico, Chile and Colombia

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Angela Carriedo ◽  
Adam Koon ◽  
Luis Manuel Encarnación ◽  
Kelley Lee ◽  
Richard Smith ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Public Health ◽  
Political Economy ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Civil Society ◽  
Policy Process ◽  
Transnational Corporations ◽  
Civil Society Organizations ◽  
The Political ◽  
Sugar Sweetened Beverages ◽  
Sweetened Beverages

Abstract Background: In Latin America, total sales of sugar-sweetened beverages continue to rise at an alarming rate. Consumption of added sugar is a leading cause of diet-related non-communicable diseases. Coalitions of stakeholders have formed in several countries in the region to address this public health challenge including participation of civil society organizations and transnational corporations. Little is currently known about these coalitions – what interests they represent, what goals they pursue and how they operate. Ensuring the primacy of public health goals is a particular governance challenge. This paper comparatively analyses governance challenges involved in the adoption of taxation of sugar-sweetened beverages in Chile, Mexico and Colombia. The three countries have similar political and economic systems, institutional arrangements and regulatory instruments but differing policy outcomes..Methods: We analyse the political economy of SSB taxation based on a qualitative synthesis of existing empirical evidence. We identify the key stakeholders involved in the policy process, identify their interests, and assess how they influenced adoption and implementation of the tax.Results: Coalitions for and against the SSB taxation formed the basis of policy debates in all three countries. Intergovernmental support was critical to framing the SBB tax aims, benefits and instrumentation; and for countries to adopt it. A major constraint to implementation was the strong influence of transnational corporations (TNCs) in the policy process. A lack of transparency during agenda setting was notably enhanced by the powerful presence of TNCs.Conclusion: NCD prevention policies need to be supported across government, alongside grassroots organizations, policy champions and civil society groups to enhance their success. However, governance arrangements involving coalitions between public and private sector actors need to recognize power asymmetries among different actors and mitigate their potentially negative consequences. Such arrangements should include clear mechanisms to ensure transparency and accountability of all partners, and prevent undue influence by industry interests associated with unhealthy products.

scholarly journals Blunders of Government Communication: The Political Economy of COVID-19 Communication Policy in Indonesia

2021 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 97
Author(s):  
Masduki Masduki
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
The Political ◽  
Communication Policy ◽  
The Public ◽  
Government Communication ◽  
Market Stability ◽  
Two Factors ◽  
Market Communication ◽  
The Government ◽  
Communication Policies

Government officials and politicians have been both a help and hindrance in the public dissemination of information during the COVID-19 pandemic. The intervention of a president and his/her ministries with their political and economic interests is particularly problematic when they employ a tactical approach rather than provide accurate and effective disaster information. This paper utilizes a political-economy approach to analyze the link between COVID-19 communication policies and practices with the interests of politics and market stability in Indonesia. In this paper, the author drills into the extent to which the country’s president and ministries manage their political interests in times of global pandemic. The ways they interact with the public during various stages of disaster are crucial because society is severely disrupted, with the government serving as the sole actor. This study uses qualitative methods and all materials are managed from an extensive review of current literature, policy analysis, and field observation. This paper finds that Indonesian government communication during the COVID-19 pandemic period (February– June 2020) has been dominated by a desire to maintain a strong power of the ruling authority and to secure market stability. Two factors—pro-market communication policies and manufactured- politicized COVID-19 data—have occurred. This paper contributes to the literature by focusing on the political and economic approach over the mediated discourses surrounding the pandemic.

The Political Economy of Brazil: Public Policies in an Era of Transition.

1992 ◽  
Vol 72 (1) ◽  
pp. 137
Author(s):  
Ronald H. Chilcote ◽  
Lawrence S. Graham ◽  
Robert W. Wilson
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Public Policies ◽  
The Political

Indymedia in Belgium: the delicate balance between media activism and political activism

2020 ◽  
Vol 42 (6) ◽  
pp. 1031-1038
Author(s):  
Robin Van Leeckwyck ◽  
Pieter Maeseele ◽  
Maud Peeters ◽  
David Domingo
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Civil Society ◽  
Political Activism ◽  
Civil Society Organizations ◽  
European Countries ◽  
The Political ◽  
Media Activism ◽  
The Media ◽  
Original Website

Belgium was one of the first European countries to establish a local ‘national’ branch of the global Indymedia network. The diversity of those involved in this ‘national movement’ ultimately turned out to be both the strength of the original website and the cause of its decline. Indeed, due to political and organizational disagreement, many activists decided to create their own ‘local’ Independent Media Centre (IMC). This article distinguishes two perspectives on the role of Indymedia: the political activists saw Indymedia as a means to an end, as an instrument to discuss strategies and tactics, and to coordinate social movements and grassroots movements. The media activists, on the contrary, saw Indymedia as an end in itself, as a platform for civil society organizations to make their voices heard and facilitate democratic debate – in this vein, the experience of Indymedia.be was transformed into the alternative news site DeWereldMorgen.be.

scholarly journals Meta-Cognition of Efficacy and Social Media Usage among Japanese Civil Society Organizations

Information ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 118
Author(s):  
Tomoya Sagara ◽  
Muneo Kaigo ◽  
Yutaka Tsujinaka
Keyword(s):  
Social Media ◽  
Civil Society ◽  
Political Participation ◽  
Interest Group ◽  
Political Efficacy ◽  
Civil Society Organizations ◽  
The Political ◽  
Media Usage ◽  
Using Data ◽  
Flow Of Information

This paper examines how social media are affecting Japanese civil society organizations, in relation to efficacy and political participation. Using data from the 2017 Japan Interest Group Study survey, we analyzed how the flow of information leads to the political participation of civil society organizations. The total number of respondents (organizations) were 1285 (942 organizations in Tokyo and 343 from Ibaraki). In the analysis of our survey we focused on the data portion related to information behavior and efficacy and investigated the meta-cognition of efficacy in lobbying among civil society organizations in Tokyo and Ibaraki. We found that organizations that use social media were relatively few. However, among the few organizations that use social media, we found that these organizations have a much higher meta-cognition of political efficacy in comparison to those that do not use social media. For instance, social media usage had a higher tendency of having cognition of being able to exert influence upon others. We also found that organizations that interact with citizens have a higher tendency to use social media. The correspondence analysis results point towards a hypothesis of how efficacy and participation are mutually higher among the organizations that use social media in Japan.

The Political Economy of Health: Revisiting Its Marxian Origins to Address 21st-Century Health Inequalities

2020 ◽  
pp. e1-e8
Author(s):  
Michael Harvey
Keyword(s):  
Public Health ◽  
Political Economy ◽  
Public Health Research ◽  
The Political ◽  
Health Issues ◽  
Race And Racism ◽  
The Public ◽  
Critical Theories ◽  
Political Economy Of Health ◽  
Marxian Political Economy

The “political economy of health” is concerned with how political and economic domains interact and shape individual and population health outcomes. However, the term is variously defined in the public health, medical, and social science literatures. This could result in confusion about the term and its associated tradition, thereby constituting a barrier to its application in public health research and practice. To address these issues, I survey the political economy of health tradition, clarify its specifically Marxian theoretical legacy, and discuss its relevance to understanding and addressing public health issues. I conclude by discussing the benefits of employing critical theories of race and racism with Marxian political economy to better understand the roles of class exploitation and racial oppression in epidemiological patterning. (Am J Public Health. Published online ahead of print December 22, 2020:e1–e8. https://doi.org/10.2105/AJPH.2020.305996 )

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