scholarly journals Berichus and the Evidence for Aspar’s Political Power and Aims in the Last Years of Theodosius II’s Reign

2018 ◽  
Vol 8 ◽  
pp. 237-251
Author(s):  
Łukasz Pigoński
Keyword(s):  
Detailed Analysis ◽  
Political Power ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Struggle ◽  
Political Position ◽  
The Government ◽  
Political Differences ◽  
Opposing Faction

The article examines Priscus’s account of the conflict that emerged between the leader of the Roman embassy, Maximinus, and the Hunnic envoy, Berichus. The barbarian got offended by the remarks concerning the lack of competence and influence of Aspar and Areobindus. A detailed analysis of this short passage – entailing the persona of Berichus himself, the reasons for his anger, and the possible explanations for Maximinus’s behaviour – can provide us with evidence regarding the political position of Aspar in the last years of the reign of Theodosius II. Most scholars use this example to illustrate Aspar’s falling out of favour and power; it is more likely, however, that the situation was actually more complex. The political struggle between Chrysaphius, a proponent of the policy of reconciliation with the Huns, and Zeno, the opponent of such policies, makes it far more probable that the government feared that their diplomatic effort might be hijacked by the opposing faction. Therefore, it was political differences – and not the failures in the war of 447 – that were the reason for Aspar’s falling out with the emperor. This would also mean that Zeno and Aspar shared similar views on how to solve the Hunnic problem, which would be the basis for their cooperation, resulting in the overthrowing of Chrysaphius and the crowning of Marcian in 450.

Pozycja ustrojowa Rady Ministrów w partyjnych projektach… Konstytucji Czwartej Rzeczypospolitej z lat 2004–2013

1970 ◽  
Vol 23 (301) ◽  
pp. 3-12
Author(s):  
Marian Kallas
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Political Position ◽  
Basic Law ◽  
Law And Justice ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government ◽  
Council Of Ministers ◽  
Ruling Party

The article begins with a succinct characteristic of the political position of the Council of Ministers as determined by the Constitution of the Republic of Poland dated 2 April 1997. The next portion of the text discusses the constitutional program of the Prawo i Sprawiedliwość [PiS, Eng. Law and Justice] party in 2003. It is an introduction to presenting the suggested political position of the government in non-parliamentary party projects of the Constitution in the years 2004–2013 (five texts publically available). Particular attention was devoted to PiS drafts of the Basic Law of 2005 and 2010 as coming from the ruling party in the years 2005–2007 and again since 2015.

Contingency and responsibility in Confucian political theory

2018 ◽  
Vol 44 (6) ◽  
pp. 615-636 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sungmoon Kim
Keyword(s):  
Political Theory ◽  
Causal Relationship ◽  
Political Power ◽  
Moral Economy ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Position ◽  
Political World ◽  
The Common

In this article I investigate the Confucian sense of responsibility from the framework of “moral economy,” understood as a causal relationship between one’s virtue and non-moral goods including political position/success, and “contingency,” the failure of moral economy, and argue that early Confucians’ astute understanding of the contingent nature of the political world enabled them to subscribe to the non-causal sense of responsibility. Contrary to the common argument that Heaven was invoked by the Confucians in order to shield themselves from responsibility for their political failures, I argue that they imposed a more expanded sense of responsibility both on them and on the rulers, largely preoccupied with realpolitik. In their effort to restore moral economy between the ruler’s virtue and his political position in particular, I show Confucians engaged in what I call reverse moral economy, at the heart of which was to constrain the ruler’s arbitrary use of political power.

scholarly journals THE DYNAMIC OF CACI MULTIFUNCTION IN MANGGARAI ETHNIC NOWADAYS

2020 ◽  
pp. 9
Author(s):  
Karolus Budiman Jama ◽  
I Wayan Ardika ◽  
I Ketut Ardhana ◽  
I Ketut Setiawan
Keyword(s):  
Catholic Church ◽  
Political Power ◽  
Political Interest ◽  
Local People ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Aesthetic ◽  
The Church ◽  
The Catholic Church

Manggaraian ethnic has a special art named Caci. The art holds and became an identity of the whole of Manggaraian. The art was begun as the ritual of farmer’s land fertility. In its developing, the aesthetic has gone under the multifunction in it show time. The art is not only performing for the shake of the local people culture, but also perform for the political interest as well as the catholic church in Mangggarai.  This research used ethnographic method, data collected through the observation, interview, documentation, and triangulation. The research was done in Manggaraian ethnic of Flores. Every Caci performance has its own unique ideology. The ideology goes behind the cultural Caci performance is the ideology of fertility. The ideology goes behind the government interest of Caci performance is capitalism economy and political power.  The church ideology is inclusivism through the inculturation languages. Keywords: dynamic, multifunction, caci, ideology, culture identity

Cotton sector reform in Mali: explaining the puzzles

2014 ◽  
Vol 52 (3) ◽  
pp. 379-402 ◽  
Author(s):  
Renata Serra
Keyword(s):  
Detailed Analysis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Reform Process ◽  
Considerable Time ◽  
Sector Reform ◽  
Economic Context ◽  
The Government

ABSTRACTThis paper provides a detailed analysis of the cotton sector reform process in Mali from 2000 to 2011, explaining reform delays and ambiguities in terms of the wider political and socio-economic context and aid relationships. Contrary to arguments pointing to lack of state commitment and ownership, domestic stakeholders increasingly worked towards finding an acceptable and consensual reform package. The process encountered quite serious obstacles, however, due to divergent actors' incentives, and the existence of opposing philosophies about what a restructured cotton sector should look like. As a consequence of donors' misjudgement of the political and social realities underlying the Malian cotton sector, dialogue among stakeholders was difficult and polarised, forcing the government to spend considerable time and resources to find a suitable compromise. This paper contributes to a better understanding of the merits and limits of pursuing consensual policy processes against the constraints posed by divergent donors' policy paradigms.

The political responsibility for Royal pardons in Belgium during the 19th century (1830–1900)

2007 ◽  
Vol 75 (2) ◽  
pp. 153-178
Author(s):  
J. Monballyu
Keyword(s):  
19Th Century ◽  
Death Sentence ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Responsibility ◽  
Constitutional Convention ◽  
Political Position ◽  
Opposite View ◽  
The Government ◽  
The 19Th Century ◽  
Made In

AbstractIn Belgium, the Royal Prerogative of pardoning convicted criminals was legally embedded in the Constitution of 14th February, 1831. It allowed the King to reduce a sentence or to grant a discharge of a sentence given by a court. Any Royal decision to pardon had, however, to be countersigned by a member of the Government, who took on the political responsibility of the decision towards Parliament. In most cases, the task fell upon the Minister of Justice. During the 19th century, in both Houses of the Belgian Parliament, the Minister of Justice was repeatedly questioned about the way the prerogative of pardoning was exercised. This usually occurred when a death sentence had been commuted to a lesser sentence. In such cases, members of the Chamber of Representatives or of the Senate would ask for an explicit justification of a particular pardon. Only exceptionally would a Government Minister be challenged about the legality of a decision either granting or refusing a pardon. Because of the constitutional convention which prevents exposing directly the political position of the King, Jules d'Anethan (Minister of Justice 1843–1847) defended the Minister's right to refuse to give any reasons for a decision regarding a pardon. He only acknowledged Parliament's right to question a Minister about his general policy on pardons. In his view, it was not within Parliament's powers to ask a Minister of Justice why a pardon had been granted or refused in a specific case. That view tended to limit considerably a Minister's responsibility for Royal pardons: it became no more than an empty shell. Another Minister of Justice, Théophile De Lantsheere (1871–1878), took an opposite view. He refused to state his general policy on pardons, but he accepted to explain the specific reasons why a Royal decision granting or refusing a pardon had been made. In his view, a pardon was in the first place a matter for the Minister's conscience. Parliament was therefore entitled to assess his particular actions. However, in the line of his predecessors' and successors' view, he believed that the reasons why the King had insisted on a pardon or refused to grant a pardon should not be mentioned to Parliament. Pardon was an issue between King and Government, not between King and Parliament. As the saying goes in Belgian constitutional law: The Crown should never be laid 'bare'.

scholarly journals To the History of the Issue of Cabinda (a Historical Aspect of Modern Angola’s Development)

2020 ◽  
pp. 76-83
Author(s):  
О.А. Дженчакова
Keyword(s):  
Self Determination ◽  
The Political ◽  
Legal Basis ◽  
Political Struggle ◽  
Historical Aspect ◽  
Oil Reserves ◽  
Independence Movement ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government

В статье рассматриваются истоки возникновения вопроса Кабинды как затянувшегося территориального спора между официальными властями Республики Ангола и действующей на территории анклава Кабинда сепаратистски настроенной организацией — Фронта освобождения государства Кабинда, а также ее различными фракциями. Отмечается влияние геополитического фактора и нефтяных запасов на ситуацию в провинции, рассматриваются исторически обусловленные предпосылки и формально-правовые основания возникновения данного спора. Анализируются цели и методы борьбы, применяемые сепаратистами, отмечается их разобщенность, противоречивость действий в отношении правительства в Луанде. Отражены взгляды высшего руководства страны на данную проблему, приведены некоторые меры, принимаемые правительством для урегулирования вопроса. Прослеживается динамика развития ситуации в последние годы, а именно перегруппировка сил сепаратистов, создание ими новой организация — Движение за независимость Кабинды, активисты которой уже включились в политическую борьбу и призывают к самоопределению провинции. В статье делаются некоторые прогнозы относительно развития событий вокруг анклава. The article focuses on the sources of the Cabinda issue as a long-lasting territorial argument between the authorities of the Republic of Angola and the Front for the Liberation of the Cabinda Enclave, a pro-separatist organization functioning in the territory of the Cabinda enclave and its fractions. The article highlights the significance of the geopolitical factor and oil reserves and their influence on the situation in the province. It treats historical prerequisites and formal legal basis of the argument. The article analyzes the aim and methods of struggle used by separatists. It underlines the inconsistency of their actions aimed at challenging the government in Luanda. The article describes Angolan authorities’ views on the problem and dwells on some measures taken by the government to regulate the issue. The article assesses the development of the situation throughout recent years. It focuses on the regrouping of the separatist forces, on the creation of a new organization called Independence Movement of Cabinda, whose activists are involved in the political struggle and call for national self-determination. The article makes a few predictions associated with enclave-related developments.

scholarly journals The political economy of soil erosion in Cirasea sub basin, upstream Citarum basin

2021 ◽  
Vol 879 (1) ◽  
pp. 012013
Author(s):  
F Nurysyifa ◽  
Kaswanto ◽  
H Kartodihardjo
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Rural Areas ◽  
Agricultural Practices ◽  
Rehabilitation Program ◽  
The Political ◽  
Colonial Era ◽  
Land Conflicts ◽  
Political Position ◽  
Environmental Rehabilitation ◽  
The Government

Abstract The current problems of the Upstream Citarum basin, particularly in the Cirasea Sub-Basin, are near related to economic factors and the low political position of the community. One of the reasons is the biophysical aspect, which influenced the erfpacht rights for Dutch and British plantation companies in the Agrarische Wet policy at the end of the 17th century. When Indonesia became independent, the Government had worked on environmental rehabilitation as well as dealing with land conflicts, but rehabilitation activities often failed to meet the primary needs of the community. Therefore, rehabilitation efforts in various programs often fail. The objective of this this study is to figure out the preferences of interests and motives from the government and other access authorities which ultimately affect the lives of other communities through the formulation of an environmental rehabilitation program. The approach is Bernstein Political Economy Analysis. The results show that political economy is be able to reveals the problem of erosion, which is always imposed on groups with a low political position compared to other groups who are more vital in reaching access. Even though the community has limitations in implementing environmentally-friendly agricultural practices. Moreover, the political economy can reveal the government’s interests behind the land rehabilitation program which often sided with big investors and even tended to repeat the pattern of conflicts in the colonial era. Therefore, erosion can be an important element in describing the conditions of poverty that occur in rural areas.

scholarly journals Towards Substantive Democracy In Indonesia: A Viewpoint

2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 881-886
Author(s):  
I Made Gede Ray Misno
Keyword(s):  
Political Power ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Rights ◽  
Political Position ◽  
Right To Vote ◽  
The Right

Democracy is the most appropriate choice for our nation in carrying out the life of the nation and state. With democracy, the political rights of every citizen are guaranteed to be the same. Every citizen has the right to vote and be elected into political power, in contrast to monarchies where hereditary law applies. Because all citizens have the same rights and obligations in politics, democracy can only work effectively if these political positions are filled or held by people who have good qualifications, competences, and morals, so that they are able to represent people. who have given him the confidence to occupy a given political position with the aim of mutual welfare, as stated in the Preamble to the 1945 Constitution.

Der Religionsdisput in Feofan Prokopovyčs Vladimir

2021 ◽  
Vol 66 (4) ◽  
pp. 684-705
Author(s):  
Norbert P. Franz
Keyword(s):  
Detailed Analysis ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
The Political ◽  
Ecclesiastical Reform ◽  
Political Position ◽  
Eastern Christianity ◽  
Literary Sources ◽  
The Russian Empire

Summary Usually Feofan Prokopovyč’s tragedokomedija Vladimir is considered an early example of the author’s ecclesiastical reform concerns, which he realized in the Russian Empire from 1716 onwards. However, a detailed analysis of the religious dispute, which is at the center of the play, and its literary sources gives rise to a more biographical reading, according to which the young author recommended himself to the Kyiv-Mohyla Academy for his work as a professor in rhetoric. He, the former supporter of the Union, emphasizes the Greek roots of Eastern Christianity and presents himself as a loyal representative of Moscow-orientated Orthodoxy. There is no evidence that he disagreed with Hetman Mazepa on the political position of Ukraine at the time.

Ukrainian Constitutional Politics: Neopatrimonialism, Rent-seeking, and Regime Change

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Oleksandr Fisun
Keyword(s):  
Regime Change ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Political Power ◽  
Rent Seeking ◽  
The Political ◽  
Tax Base ◽  
Constitutional Politics ◽  
The Government

Ukraine has changed its constitution repeatedly since independence in 1991. Oleksandr Fisun focuses on the repeated renegotiation of constitutional arrangements as the political power of patronal presidents rises and falls. In this view, constitutions are effects more than causes. He then considers the various contextual shortcomings that undercut any constitutional arrangement in Ukraine. These include penetration of the government by powerful rent-seekers, the absence of a balanced tax base, and the weakness of the Weberian state. He points out that now the focus should not be on redistributing power between the president, prime minister, and parliament, but rather on subverting the ability of politicians and rent-seeking entrepreneurs to “play with the rules” and conduct frequent constitutional experiments.

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