scholarly journals To the History of the Issue of Cabinda (a Historical Aspect of Modern Angola’s Development)

2020 ◽  
pp. 76-83
Author(s):  
О.А. Дженчакова
Keyword(s):  
Self Determination ◽  
The Political ◽  
Legal Basis ◽  
Political Struggle ◽  
Historical Aspect ◽  
Oil Reserves ◽  
Independence Movement ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government

В статье рассматриваются истоки возникновения вопроса Кабинды как затянувшегося территориального спора между официальными властями Республики Ангола и действующей на территории анклава Кабинда сепаратистски настроенной организацией — Фронта освобождения государства Кабинда, а также ее различными фракциями. Отмечается влияние геополитического фактора и нефтяных запасов на ситуацию в провинции, рассматриваются исторически обусловленные предпосылки и формально-правовые основания возникновения данного спора. Анализируются цели и методы борьбы, применяемые сепаратистами, отмечается их разобщенность, противоречивость действий в отношении правительства в Луанде. Отражены взгляды высшего руководства страны на данную проблему, приведены некоторые меры, принимаемые правительством для урегулирования вопроса. Прослеживается динамика развития ситуации в последние годы, а именно перегруппировка сил сепаратистов, создание ими новой организация — Движение за независимость Кабинды, активисты которой уже включились в политическую борьбу и призывают к самоопределению провинции. В статье делаются некоторые прогнозы относительно развития событий вокруг анклава. The article focuses on the sources of the Cabinda issue as a long-lasting territorial argument between the authorities of the Republic of Angola and the Front for the Liberation of the Cabinda Enclave, a pro-separatist organization functioning in the territory of the Cabinda enclave and its fractions. The article highlights the significance of the geopolitical factor and oil reserves and their influence on the situation in the province. It treats historical prerequisites and formal legal basis of the argument. The article analyzes the aim and methods of struggle used by separatists. It underlines the inconsistency of their actions aimed at challenging the government in Luanda. The article describes Angolan authorities’ views on the problem and dwells on some measures taken by the government to regulate the issue. The article assesses the development of the situation throughout recent years. It focuses on the regrouping of the separatist forces, on the creation of a new organization called Independence Movement of Cabinda, whose activists are involved in the political struggle and call for national self-determination. The article makes a few predictions associated with enclave-related developments.

Managing Ethnic Conflict in Sri Lanka through Constitutional Arrangements

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-15
Author(s):  
Ilam Khan
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Sri Lanka ◽  
Ethnic Group ◽  
Ethnic Conflict ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Struggle ◽  
Religious Groups ◽  
Political Liberalization ◽  
History Of

Marginalization causes conflicts; they may be political, social, or economic. A careful contemplation over the history of Sri Lanka reveals that the sentiments of being marginalized have been present — in one (ethnic) group or the other — in the island right from its independence. When the majority ethnic group, i.e., the Sinhala, was in a position of power, it manipulated the constitution of the country to safeguard its own interests. This widened the rift among different ethnic and religious groups, especially between the Sinhala and the Tamil. This structural marginalization resulted in a civil war, starting in 1983, that lasted for 26 years. However, the ethnic conflict did not resolve even after the end of the civil war and continues to exist in the form of a political struggle between the Tamil and Sinhala. The Tamil demand for federation, autonomy, inclusion, and self-determination can only be achieved through constitutional means. Therefore, this research evaluates the post-Civil Warconstitutional development and amendment processes that were, at a point in time, more pluralistic and liberal, and contributing well to managing the ethnic conflict in the country. It was expected that the ethnic conflict would be permanently resolved through the constitutional arrangements, which Sri Lanka was already heading. However, the majority (Sinhala) reversed the progress through a new (20th) amendment to the constitution. Against this backdrop, this article argues that all segments of the society can be accommodated in the political sphere of the state through political liberalization which is possible only through constitutional arrangements.

scholarly journals The Development of Village Authority in the History of the State of the Republic of Indonesia (Study on Village Level Autonomy)

2021 ◽  
Vol 04 (06) ◽  
Author(s):  
Maurice Rogers ◽  
Keyword(s):  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Secondary Data ◽  
The Political ◽  
Government Regulations ◽  
History Of ◽  
Special Concern ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government ◽  
Village Government ◽  
The Village

This study examines the development of village authority arrangements, since the independent Republic of Indonesia until the issuance of Law Number 6 of 2014 concerning Villages and Implementing Government Regulations. The purpose of this study is to understand the legal basis of village authority in Indonesia after the independence of the Republic of Indonesia until the issuance of Law Number 6 of 2014 concerning Villages and to find out the development of the political direction of the government's law regarding village regulations related to the authority of the village government. The research method uses the type of research that researchers use is normative legal research. Obtaining data from library materials or secondary data, then the technique of collecting data or legal materials in this research is carried out by literature/documentation studies. This research uses a statute approach and a historical approach, which is carried out to track the history of legal institutions from time to time. This research produces an overview of the journey of regulating village authority, the ups and downs of village authority can be seen from the successive Laws of Regional and Village Governments, relating to the existence of village governments within the framework of the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia. The conclusions that can be drawn from this research are regarding. These include: The existence of ups and downs regarding the regulation of village authority, both at the level of law and at the level of government regulations, the existence of the political will of the government to restore the existence of the village, which actually existed before the birth of the Republic of Indonesia, as well as the growing recognition of village autonomy and Traditional villages are of special concern to legislators (the President and the House of Representatives).

scholarly journals Исторические аспекты административно-территориального устройства Калмыкии в контексте взаимоотношений с Астраханской областью по вопросу реабилитации калмыцкого народа

2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 56-67
Author(s):  
Evgeniy A. Gunaev ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Comparative Research ◽  
Associate Professor ◽  
State University ◽  
Historical Aspect ◽  
Archival Document ◽  
Territorial Structure ◽  
Astrakhan Oblast ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government

Introduction. The paper explores historical aspects of Kalmykia’s administrative and territorial structure with due regard of its relations to Astrakhan Oblast in the context of the Kalmyk people’s territorial rehabilitation initiated in the early 1990s. Materials and Methods. The work employs the historical descriptive and comparative research methods. It focuses on one archival document — the opinion letter of September 20–23, 1991 by Yu. Oglaev, Cand.Sc. (history) and Associate Professor at Kalmyk State University, dealing with ‘Working Papers on Territorial Rehabilitation of the Kalmyk People’ issued by the Commission of Astrakhan Oblast Soviet of People’s Deputies. Results. The article examines arguments of Astrakhan Oblast authorities aimed at undermining attempts of Kalmykia’s government to raise the question of territorial rehabilitation. Specifically, it gives some data on territorial transformations of ‘enclave’ settlements in Kalmykia before December 1943 and after the 1957 restoration of the ethnic autonomy. Conclusions. The historical aspect of territorial disputes between the two Lower Volga regions after 1957 basically rests on that Astrakhan Oblast government refused to recognize the proclaimed (reclaimed) borders (some part) of Kalmykia as of 1957. The idea of returning two districts integral to the Kalmyk ASSR as of 1943 back to the republic was articulated by Kalmykia’s executives in the Government of the RSFSR after 1957, and the era of perestroika attached somewhat sociopolitical features to the issue — only to eventually end in nothing. However, the history of territorial transformations of settlements in the border areas of Kalmykia and Astrakhan Oblast do require further scientific insights, as well as the use of distant pastures by neighboring regions — special emphasis thereto be laid on economic, environmental and land-related consequences experienced by the republic.

Left Wing Unity and the Indian Nationalist Movement: M. N. Roy and the Congress Socialist Party

1969 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 17-56 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Patrick Haithcox
Keyword(s):  
Second World War ◽  
The Political ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
World War ◽  
Nationalist Movement ◽  
Independence Movement ◽  
Congress Party ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Second World

The decade preceding the Second World War was a crucial period in the history of the Indian nationalist movement. It was at this time that the leadership of Gandhi and the ‘Old Guard’—Congress veterans who, with few exceptions, were annually re-elected to the party's Working Committee—faced its most serious challenge for control of the Congress Party. The outcome of this internal party struggle determined the nature and scope of the independence movement throughout the war years and until the attainment of freedom in 1947. It also determined the political complexion of the party that was to guide the Republic of India through the early, and critical, formative years of its existence.

scholarly journals Peran Ilmu Politik Dalam Mendukung Hak Asasi Manusia di Indonesia

2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 149-161
Author(s):  
Vita Justisia
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Political Science ◽  
Crimes Against Humanity ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Will ◽  
The Public ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government ◽  
International Instruments

Human rights is an idea that have a long process in the history of human civilization. Human rights always have a correlative relationship with human duty because of the nature of human nature as individuals and social beings. Human Rights has incuded in the Constitution of the Republic Indonesia UUD-RI 1945. The history of the Indonesian nation records the occurrence of various gross human rights violations such as crimes against humanity that occurred in East Timor, Aceh, Jakarta and in some other areas that have not completed the handling, whereas in the field of legislation of the Government of Indonesia has made various efforts to make laws and ratify them from various international instruments on human rights. This is due to the unrelated legislation existing with the political will of the government. Political science is concerned with the state's governance, State’s governance deals with key officials setting policy directions including human rights policies. For the public it is important to study political science so that the public can contribute to the political will of the government in the field of law enforcement of human rights in Indonesia.

Land Reform in Zimbabwe: a Balance of Political Expediency and Economic Inevitability?

2020 ◽  
pp. 14-29
Author(s):  
Lyubov Prokopenko
Keyword(s):  
Land Reform ◽  
Union Leader ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
African Region ◽  
Political Aspect ◽  
National Union ◽  
Reform Program ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government

The article considers the political aspect of land reform in the Republic of Zimbabwe. The problem of land reform has been one of the crucial ones in the history of this African country, which celebrated 40 years of independence on April 18, 2020. In recent decades, it has been constantly in the spotlight of political and electoral processes. The land issue was one of the key points of the political program from the very beginning of Robert Mugabe’s reign in 1980. The political aspect of land reform began to manifest itself clearly with the growth of the opposition movement in the late 1990s. In 2000–2002 the country implemented the Fast Track Land Reform Program (FTLRP), the essence of which was the compulsory acquisition of land from white owners without compensation. The expropriation of white farmers’ lands in the 2000s led to a serious reconfiguration of land ownership, which helped to maintain in power the ruling party, the African National Union of Zimbabwe – Patriotic Front (ZANU – PF). The government was carrying out its land reform in the context of a sharp confrontation with the opposition, especially with the Party for the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), led by trade union leader Morgan Tsvangirai. The land issue was on the agenda of all the election campaigns (including the elections in July 2018); this fact denotes its politicization, hence the timeliness of this article. The economic and political crisis in Zimbabwe in the 2000–2010s was the most noticeable phenomenon in the South African region. The analysis of foreign and domestic sources allows us to conclude that the accelerated land reform served as one of its main triggers. The practical steps of the new Zimbabwean president, Mr. Emmerson Mnangagwa, indicate that he is aware of the importance of resolving land reform-related issues for further economic recovery. At the beginning of March 2020, the government adopted new regulations defining the conditions for compensation to farmers. On April 18, 2020, speaking on the occasion of the 40th anniversary of the independence of Zimbabwe, Mr. E. Mnangagwa stated that the land reform program remains the cornerstone of the country’s independence and sovereignty.

scholarly journals Lengsernya Soeharto sebagai Presiden Republik Indonesia

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rizka Wahyu Nurmalaningrum
Keyword(s):  
Social Media ◽  
Mobile Phones ◽  
Political History ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Republic

Often the link between politics, economics and history escapes our attention so far. Much of the history of Indonesian development even the political history of the Indonesian nation itself has been forgotten by this millennial era society. They prefer mobile phones rather than books. Prefer cellphones from history. Even though history is important. The successors of the nation in the millennial era are more concerned with social media than knowing the origin of a country. Many do not understand the history of someone who can become president. There are various theories about history, such as Aristotelian theory, and the theory of plateau. Arisstoteles can be made a reference for learning for the ideals of the State with a fair and calm manner. The discussion with this theme takes the example of the fall of Soeharto as President of the Republic of Indonesia.

scholarly journals PERANAN BANGSAWAN BONE DALAM SISTEM PEMERINTAHAN DARI SWAPRAJA KE KABUPATEN (The Role of Bone Nobleman in The Government System from Swapraja to Regency)

2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 135-151
Author(s):  
Risma Widiawati
Keyword(s):  
Political Development ◽  
The Political ◽  
Holding Power ◽  
South Sulawesi ◽  
The People ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Government ◽  
Head Of Government ◽  
Interesting Area

Bone Regency as part of South Sulawesi is a very interesting area to discuss. This area is not only part of the history of South Sulawesi, but also a historical flow of South Sulawesi. the existence of nobles who are so attached to the joints of the lives of the people of Bone is still interesting to be examined to this day. Based on this, the article aims to reveal the role of Bone nobility in the swapraja government system to the regency (1950 - 1960). The political development of the government during this period was seen as sufficiently influencing the political dynamics of the government in Bone Regency which continued even today. The method used is the method of historical research with four stages, namely, heuristics, criticism (history), interpretation, and presentation (historiography). The results of the study show that after the transition from swapraja to regency, the role of nobility is still very calculated. But it is no longer like in the period before the transition, where the government was ruled by the king / aristocracy. At this time the level of intelligence is also taken into account. Apart from the fact that the structure of the government is indeed different because the process of appointing head of government is also different. But in general the role of nobility after the transition was not much different, where there were still many nobles holding power. ABSTRAK Kabupaten Bone sebagai bahagian dari Sulawesi Selatan merupakan suatu daerah yang sangat menarik untuk dibicarakan. Daerah ini bukan saja merupakan bagian dari sejarah Sulawesi Selatan, tetapi juga merupakan arus sejarah Sulawesi Selatan. keberadaan bangsawan yang begitu melekat di dalam sendi kehidupan masyarakat Bone masih menarik untuk ditelisik sampai hari ini. Berdasarkan hal tersebut, maka artikel ini bertujuan untuk mengungkapkan tentang peranan bangsawan Bone dalam sistem pemerintahan swapraja ke kabupaten (1950 – 1960). Perkembangan politik dari pemerintahan selama periode ini dipandang cukup mempengaruhi dinamika politik dari pemerintahan di Kabupaten Bone yang berlangsung bahkan sampai sekarang. Metode yang digunakan adalah adalah metode penelitian sejarah dengan empat tahapan yaitu, heuristik, kritik (sejarah), intrepretasi, dan penyajian (historiografi). Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa setelah peralihan dari swapraja ke kabupaten, peranan bangsawan masih sangat diperhitungkan. Namun tidak lagi seperti pada masa sebelum peralihan, di mana pemerintahan dikuasai oleh raja/aristokrasi. Pada masa ini tingkat kecerdasan juga diperhitungkan. Selain karena struktur pemerintahannya memang berbeda juga karena proses pengangkatan kepala pemerintahan juga berbeda. Namun secara umum peran bangsawan setelah masa peralihan tidak jauh berbeda, di mana masih banyak bangsawan yang memegang kekuasaan.

Between Anglophone and Francophone Cameroon

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-43
Author(s):  
E. H. Ngwa Nfobin ◽  
Nchotu Veraline Nchang Minang
Keyword(s):  
International Law ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government ◽  
Political Scene

Abstract In 2016, the reputation for stability of the Republic of Cameroon, a state made up of Francophones that constitute the majority (three quarters of the population of 25000000) and Anglophones that constitute a minority abruptly came an end when Anglophone secessionists took up arms to fight for the independence of the former Southern Cameroons. It was no surprise to keen observers of the Cameroon political scene in the last decades, If the government of the day is determined to give what it will take to keep the country united, the secessionists are equally convinced of the rectitude of their cause which they base on the principle of self-determination in international law, contesting the legality of the UN-organised plebiscite of!961 that led to the Reunification of the country. This paper assesses the legality of the claims of the protagonists for better information of all the stakeholders in the ongoing conflict..

The Activity of the Cluj County Branch of the Romanian National Party in the Spring of 1920 as Reflected in the Newspaper Patria

2021 ◽  
pp. 45-63
Author(s):  
Marin Pop ◽  
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Political Capital ◽  
National Party ◽  
Old Kingdom ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
People's Party ◽  
Draft Resolution ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Government ◽  
The One

"This study aims to highlight the activity of the Cluj County Branch of the Romanian National Party (hereafter abbreviated as RNP) in the spring of 1920, covering the events from the fall of the government led by Alexandru Vaida–Voevod until the end of the parliamentary elections of May–June 1920. After the Great Union, the city of Cluj became the political capital of Transylvania, especially after the Ruling Council, which was the provisional executive body of Transylvania, moved its headquarters from Sibiu to Cluj. Iuliu Maniu, the President of the Ruling Council and of the R.N.P, who was elected at the Sibiu Conference of 9–10 August 1919, had settled in Cluj as well. Moreover, at the head of Cluj County Branch of the RNP were personalities with a rich history of struggle for the cause of National Liberation of the Romanians in Transylvania: Iuliu Coroianu, Emil Hațieganu, Aurel Socol, Sever Dan, Alexandru Rusu, Ioan Giurgiu, the Archpriest Ioan Pop of Morlaca, and the Priest‑Martyr Aurel Muntean from Huedin. After the dismissal of the Vaida government, the Central Executive Committee of the RNP convened a party congress for 24 April 1920, in Alba Iulia. Just before the congress, the Cluj County organization had started the election campaign. Meetings were organized in every town and village, aiming to elect representatives for the Congress in Alba Iulia. On 21 April 1920, a large assembly was held in Cluj, during which the deputies of Cluj presented their work in Parliament. Simultaneously, delegates were elected for the Congress of Alba Iulia. The RNP Congress adopted a draft resolution and the governing bodies were elected. Iuliu Maniu was re‑elected as President. Based on the decisions adopted at the Great National Assembly of Alba Iulia on 1 December 1918, he adopted a working program, which was summarized in thirteen chapters. During the electoral campaign of 1920 two major political groups became polar opposites: the one around the People’s Party, which was in power, and the parties that formed the Parliamentary Bloc and had governed before. On the list of candidates of the Cluj County Branch of the RNP we can mostly find the former MPs of the party, as well as those who had filled various leadership positions within the Ruling Council. Following the electoral process, despite all the efforts of the People’s Party, in power at that time – especially those of Octavian Goga – to dispel the propaganda conducted by the RNP, the latter party managed to obtain 27 seats in the House and 14 in the Senate. This placed the RNP in second place among Romania’s political parties. The Cluj County Branch of the RNP was able to win two of the five electoral districts in the Chamber, as well as two in the Senate, out of the three allocated to the county. Another conclusion would be that, starting from these parliamentary elections, more and more parties from the Old Kingdom penetrated into Transylvania and Banat. They would achieve some success with the voters only when they came to hold power in the state and organize elections. Still, the RNP remained the party with the largest grip on the electorate of Transylvania and Banat, and Cluj became the political capital of Transylvania."

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