scholarly journals Studi Tentang Sensitivitas Gender

2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 121-154
Author(s):  
Umi Sumbulah

Gender currently becomes a heated-discussed issue. It is often misinterpreted by people. People commonly do not realize ·whether they keep an opinion and do something by considering gender justice. It happens a result of insufficient sensitivity on gender. This research explored how the UIIS teachers' attitude and sensitivity toward gender, which influenced their attitudes toward gender equality both in domestic roles or a social context. The result showed that the sensitivity was considered insufficient. Some efforts should be done to overcome this. Regular and temporal programs should be simultaneously done to increase their sensitivity toward gender equality.

2021 ◽  

Courts can play an important role in addressing issues of inequality, discrimination and gender injustice for women. The feminisation of the judiciary – both in its thin meaning of women's entrance into the profession, as well as its thicker forms of realising gender justice – is a core part of the agenda for gender equality. This volume acknowledges both the diversity of meanings of the feminisation of the judiciary, as well as the complexity of the social and cultural realisation of gender equality. Containing original empirical studies, this book demonstrates the past and present challenges women face to entering the judiciary and progressing their career, as well as when and why they advocate for women's issues while on the bench. From stories of pioneering women to sector-wide institutional studies of the gender composition of the judiciary, this book reflects on the feminisation of the judiciary in the Asia-Pacific.


2019 ◽  
Vol 45 (5) ◽  
pp. 828-847
Author(s):  
Marella Bodur Ün

AbstractOver the past two decades, constructivist International Relations (IR) scholars have produced substantial knowledge on the diffusion and adoption of global norms, emphasising the role of Western norm entrepreneurs in constructing and promoting new norms to passive, generally non-Western, norm takers. An emergent literature on norm dynamics unsettles this narrative of linear progress, highlighting the agency of diverse actors, including the agency of non-Western norm entrepreneurs, in normative change. This article contributes to this recent norm research by exploring the normative agency of local actors in the Turkish context, who have actively engaged in normative contestation over the meaning of gender equality. More specifically, the article reveals the crucial role of a pro-government, conservative women's organisation in subverting global gender equality norms and in promoting a local norm of ‘gender justice’ as an alternative. The article furthers research on norm contestation by analysing the discursive strategies and justifications local norm makers have adopted in the Turkish context upon encountering norms that challenged their normative beliefs and practices. Finally, the article critically engages with postsecular feminism, highlighting the agency of a religiously informed, conservative women's organisation as a non-Western norm entrepreneur.


2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 305-334
Author(s):  
Anna Zagrebina

Abstract This study contributes to a societal vision of contemporary democracy, a subject that is not sufficiently considered in the research literature, by analyzing the mechanisms underlying the production of egalitarian gender attitudes in less democratic and more democratic societies and concluding on the democratic social context. A comparative analysis of gender attitudes in 72 countries shows that citizens of the most democratized countries have more egalitarian gender attitudes in politics, business and access to university education and employment, and that determinants of gender attitudes vary by sex and socio-political context.


2019 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 205
Author(s):  
Saskia Wieringa

<p>Indonesia has committed itself to the 2030 Agenda with 17 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) which were approved by the United Nations on September 25, 2015. Seventeen objectives and 169 related targets must be achieved by 2030. Gender equality is an independent goal (SDG number 5), but gender related issues are also contained in the goal of poverty alleviation (SDG 1), health care including maternal and child health (SDG 3) and education (SDG 4). SDG number 16 concerns a commitment to peace, access to justice and strong institutions. Reliable and inclusive gender statistics are needed to monitor progress towards achieving gender equality and justice and to identify key gender inequalities that require policy interventions. Both quantitative and qualitative data are needed. In addition, certain problems are specific for women, such as maternal death. Given the wide diversity in gender relations and socio-economic conditions of the Indonesian archipelago subnational data are required. This article outlines the methodology of designing the APIK Gender Justice Index. The main findings are that the availability of sex-disaggregated data at the subnational level leaves much to be desired. The AGJI proves to be a reliable, comprehensive and flexible tool that can easily be used by policy makers and activists to design policies and programs to address gender-based discrimination in Indonesia, for instance in the field of health. The AGJI is based on locally available data. The advantages of the AGJI are that it can be computed with a minimum of cost and effort to achieve a maximum of reliability and ease in use. The GSI was found to be comparable with the Global Gender Gap Index (GGGI) for Indonesia but it is more sensitive to political empowerment. The AGJI assesses in how far women have been able to take up leadership positions at subnational levels, including at the village level and are represented in the major decision-making bodies such as the judiciary.</p>


ULUMUNA ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 266-295
Author(s):  
Atun Wardatun ◽  
Bianca J. Smith

This article examines the issue of woman-initiated divorce (cerai gugat) for the controversial reason in Indonesian Islam known as nushūz suami or a husband’s disobedience in marriage. In contrast to the Indonesian Compilation of Islamic Law which applies nushūz (disobedience) to wives only, our arguments draw on feminist jurisprudence (fiqh) to show how nushūz also applies to husbands who do not fulfill marital obligations. A husband’s nushūz is overlooked by classical scholars and Indonesian Islamic Law alike, yet when understood in a Qur’anic feminist context, it gives a depth of understanding about women’s choice to divorce as part of a wider gender justice process and the ‘gendering’ of divorce. Based on women’s post-divorce narratives about nushūz, we propose a feminist fiqh understanding of gender equality situated in tawḥīd as a concept with the potential to form egalitarian-inspired persons (muslimah reformis) and ‘essential’ and ‘true’ justice (keadilan hakiki), through reading religious texts and producing knowledge and policies that include women’s experiences and voices along with those of men’s (mubādalah).


2011 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 25-39 ◽  
Author(s):  
Liv Tønnessen

AbstractThe fundamental argument put forward by Islamists, who have ruled Sudan since 1989, for not signing the convention is based on cultural relativism; different cultures provide indigenous and local solutions to their women’s problems. Islam is the solution, not Western feminism. But the Islamists’ failure to ratify CEDAW should not be regarded as a complete rejection of Western feminism, however defined. Through a review of the debate on CEDAW and Islam, this article explores the entanglements of ‘Islamic’ and ‘Western’ normative legal orders. It argues that although Islamist feminists’ discourse deems Western tenets of feminism and gender equality to be unessential to Islamic societies and falsely universalising in its premises, it simultaneously draws upon them in order to demonstrate their ‘alternative’ feminism. By analysing a range of Islamist women’s positions, it becomes apparent that on the one hand they reject CEDAW and gender equality, and on the other promote issues which empower women in the Sudanese state and society. But there are important points of criticism to be made regarding Islamic solutions in a multi-religious and class-divided Sudanese society. Sudanese Islamist women’s claims on behalf of Islamic solutions for Sudanese women can paradoxically be critiqued being as universalising in its premises as so-called Western feminism.


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