A question of gender justice: Exploring the linkages between women's unpaid care work, education, and gender equality

2013 ◽  
Vol 33 (6) ◽  
pp. 585-594 ◽  
Author(s):  
Akanksha A. Marphatia ◽  
Rachel Moussié
2021 ◽  

Courts can play an important role in addressing issues of inequality, discrimination and gender injustice for women. The feminisation of the judiciary – both in its thin meaning of women's entrance into the profession, as well as its thicker forms of realising gender justice – is a core part of the agenda for gender equality. This volume acknowledges both the diversity of meanings of the feminisation of the judiciary, as well as the complexity of the social and cultural realisation of gender equality. Containing original empirical studies, this book demonstrates the past and present challenges women face to entering the judiciary and progressing their career, as well as when and why they advocate for women's issues while on the bench. From stories of pioneering women to sector-wide institutional studies of the gender composition of the judiciary, this book reflects on the feminisation of the judiciary in the Asia-Pacific.


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 149-154
Author(s):  
Laura Addati

The article is an edited version of a keynote speech given at the 2019 Global Carework Summit and highlights the findings of the International Labour Organization report Care Work and Care Jobs for the Future of Decent Work. It takes a comprehensive look at the nexus between unpaid care work, paid work and paid care work, and its contributions to the future of work debates and global policy work around the achievement of gender equality.


2021 ◽  
pp. 103-124
Author(s):  
Yermek A. Buribayev ◽  
Zhanna A. Khamzina ◽  
Zhambyl K. Oryntaev ◽  
Amangeldy Sh. Khamzin

This article examines some of the implications of gender equality and gender policy at the national level from the perspective of social security guarantees. The changes that have taken place in family relations, economy, and politics challenge the gender regime in Kazakhstan. The article argues that social, political, and economic changes were not accompanied by the development of new gender models at the national level. New gender problems arise, including the trajectory of the distribution of the status of women in the family from the perspective of Islam. The article discusses the existing public and political demand for women's empowerment, which determines the relevance of improving the quality of a number of laws in relation to gender equality in accessing social security measures and facilitating unpaid care work. The first step was to study the construction and guarantees of the implementation of the principle of gender equality in the Constitution of Kazakhstan. At the second stage, international standards for the equality of men and women were summarized from the point of view of implementation in national legislation. At the last stage, recommendations and suggestions aimed at eliminating the discriminatory standards of social protection from the legislation are summarized and formulated.


Author(s):  
Ito Peng ◽  
Jiweon Jun

The COVID-19 pandemic has emphasised the importance of care and care work, and exposed pre-existing inequalities. Our survey of the impacts of COVID-19 on parents with small children in South Korea reveals that mothers were much more likely to bear the increased burden of childcare than fathers, which, in turn, had direct and negative impacts on their well-being. We discuss how South Korea’s dualised labour market, gender-biased employment practice, social norms about childcare and instrumental approach to family and care policies may have contributed to the persistent unequal distribution of unpaid care work within households and gender inequality.


2011 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 25-39 ◽  
Author(s):  
Liv Tønnessen

AbstractThe fundamental argument put forward by Islamists, who have ruled Sudan since 1989, for not signing the convention is based on cultural relativism; different cultures provide indigenous and local solutions to their women’s problems. Islam is the solution, not Western feminism. But the Islamists’ failure to ratify CEDAW should not be regarded as a complete rejection of Western feminism, however defined. Through a review of the debate on CEDAW and Islam, this article explores the entanglements of ‘Islamic’ and ‘Western’ normative legal orders. It argues that although Islamist feminists’ discourse deems Western tenets of feminism and gender equality to be unessential to Islamic societies and falsely universalising in its premises, it simultaneously draws upon them in order to demonstrate their ‘alternative’ feminism. By analysing a range of Islamist women’s positions, it becomes apparent that on the one hand they reject CEDAW and gender equality, and on the other promote issues which empower women in the Sudanese state and society. But there are important points of criticism to be made regarding Islamic solutions in a multi-religious and class-divided Sudanese society. Sudanese Islamist women’s claims on behalf of Islamic solutions for Sudanese women can paradoxically be critiqued being as universalising in its premises as so-called Western feminism.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1097184X2110003
Author(s):  
Gary Barker ◽  
Stephen Burrell ◽  
Sandy Ruxton

COVID-19 has affected individuals and communities in gendered ways. A spike in men’s violence against women has been documented in multiple settings.  Women have faced disproportionate job losses in many countries. Men have died at higher rates from COVID-19 for both biological and social causes. Masculinist responses by some national leaders, and men’s lower propensity to adhere to COVID-19 related health recommendations are also gendered. Research further confirms that both women and men in the context of heterosexual households increased their time devoted to unpaid care, even as women’s increases were generally higher. In the face of these challenges some NGOs increased programming to engage men in violence prevention and carried out advocacy to promote men’s more equitable participation in unpaid care work.  As the world recovers from the pandemic in 2021, an understanding of how masculinities and gender norms and power dynamics affect recover will be vital.


2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 444-465
Author(s):  
Klara Goedecke

This article explores two Swedish TV shows centred on close, emotional friendships between men, Våra vänners liv (2010) [Our friends’ lives] and Boys (2015), as examples of postfeminism with a Swedish twist, inspired by Swedish ideologies of gender equality. Explicitly referring to feminism and gender equality, both shows explore what can be considered progressive masculine positions, drawing on ideas about sincerity, authenticity, emotionality and insight in men as central but not easily attained. I discuss portrayals of men as well as their friendships and explore the meanings of race, class and sexuality in the shows. Unlike many US and UK postfeminist representations of bumbling, ironically sexist anti-heroic men, efforts at reaching sincerity and authenticity characterize the protagonists of the shows. Similar to other postfeminist cultural representations, both shows portray political problems as individual ones or, alternatively, as issues that already have been dealt with. For instance, Boys portrays a posthomophobic and postracial Sweden where racism and homophobia are of the past, and both shows portray personal development in individual men aimed at becoming progressive as solutions to problems regarding gender justice. Both shows explore masculine positions that are available and unavailable, comprehensible and incomprehensible in contemporary Sweden, said to be one of the most gender-equal countries of the world. New masculine positions and intimacies between men, incorporating and referring to feminist or gender equality discourses, may be imagined and made available in shows like Våra vänners liv and Boys. However, such references and their consequences must be critically scrutinized.


2019 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 245-270
Author(s):  
Arini Rufaida

Abstract: Studying the problems of women in various fields, especially marriage, always faces its own challenges. The lack of wife's rights in marriage gets some contradictions from a gender perspective. Did not rule out the possibility of connection with the wife's right to refuse reconciliation. This paper synergizes Islamic and gender perspectives on the issue of wife's right to refuse reconciliation. Efforts are being made to identify the shifts related to the classical fiqh formulation into a more egalitarian formulation according to the guidance of modern times. In addition, the next effort is to identify a new business of reasoning from the abstract domain to concrete rules. There are two steps that can be done, namely by analyzing the problem using the theory of equality and gender justice and the theory of maslahah from the perspective of several competent figures in their fields. From this, this paper confirms the similarity of perception between the aims of Islamic teachings (maqasid ash-shari’ah) and gender equality and human rights, that is the right for anyone to consider everything that will be done as long as it brings benefit.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ruth Oloo ◽  
Amber Parkes

Care work is the heartbeat of every society: it contributes to our wellbeing as a nation and is crucial for our social and economic development. Yet the disproportionate responsibility for unpaid care work results in time poverty and significant opportunity costs, particularly among the poorest and most marginalized women and girls. This policy brief outlines why unpaid care work is a critical development, economic and gender equality issue for Kenya. It draws on two sets of evidence from Oxfam’s Women’s Economic Empowerment and Care (WE-Care) programme, which explore the impact of women and girls’ heavy and unequal unpaid care responsibilities both before and during COVID-19.


2019 ◽  
Vol 26 (4) ◽  
pp. 512-518
Author(s):  
Mary Daly

Abstract This piece reflects upon the significance of The Logics of Gender Justice. I make the case that this is one of the most significant works on the development of women's rights and gender justice. It offers depth of understanding of the policy and politics precipitating or blocking the roll-out of a range of such rights across time and place. Its geographical scope is both global and local. It offers a framework of analysis and a set of empirical insights that will galvanize scholarship, and not just in the field of gender. I am particularly intrigued by the differentiation between class- and status-based gender policies. I can see promise here—especially from a politics perspective—but to my mind this is not a watertight differentiation between policies. The possibility of an intersectional understanding of gender-related rights and policies is also downplayed by the Htun and Weldon's framework on my reading.


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