scholarly journals Los [dos] cartuchos de Nellie Campobello

(an)ecdótica ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 163-182
Author(s):  
María José Ramírez ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Mexican Revolution ◽  
Narrative Voice ◽  
The Third ◽  
The North ◽  
Nellie Campobello ◽  
Official History ◽  
The Way

In 1931, Nellie Campobello published Cartucho. Nine years later, in 1940, a second edition appeared, about which not much has been said. With the exception that it is usually mentioned to assert that Campobello modified it under the influence of the author of El águila y la serpiente, the 1940 edition was left somewhat erased by the third edition (1960), in the same way that each edition’s corresponding characteristics were also erased. This piece reviews some of the features that characterize both editions, with the intention of showing what was already present in the first edition, and what the author added or enhanced afterward. It also presents the context in which the second edition emerged (Campobello’s interest in history, her relationship with Austreberta Rentería, the publication of her book Las manos de mamá), and it questions the author’s motives to propose Cartucho (1940) as a set of “true tales” in opposition to the revolutionary “legend” stated in official history. In the conducted analysis, we can appreciate the expansion of some of the literary strategies present in the first edition (the multiplicity of testimonial voices and the contribution of women as witnesses to the facts) and the permanence of others that appeared in 1931 (the infantile narrative voice, the poetic images associated to the war and to the infantilization of the men that fought in the Mexican Revolution). The premise in this article is that both editions defy the concepts of truth, history, and fiction, in the way we usually conceive them, but that in 1940, Campobello expanded some of the literary strategies that she used in 1931 as a function of the emphasis that she put in the testimonials of a multitude of women and men that lived the civil war in the North and to whom, in the process of officialization and institutionalization of the Mexican Revolution, the truth of their own history had been denied, according to the author.

scholarly journals Los de abajo. Mitificación y metalepsis

2021 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
pp. 43-72
Author(s):  
Noé Blancas Blancas ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Mexican Revolution ◽  
Radical Change ◽  
Narrative Voice ◽  
Ideological Position ◽  
Free Indirect Discourse ◽  
Indirect Discourse ◽  
Mariano Azuela ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
The Way

The study of narrative resources such as free indirect discourse and narrated monologue, in Los de abajo, although it has been clearly pointed out by critics such as Mansour, Escalante and St. Ours, is scarce in comparison with the works on the Mexican Revolution and the controversy over the ideological position of its author, Mariano Azuela. In the present work, an approach to these resources is made, following the precepts of narratology, starting from the relationship between the narrative voice and the figural discourse, and between the discourses of the characters; that is, from the citation processes. Specifically, an approach is made to the way in which Demetrio Macías recounts his exploits by repeating the speech of Alberto Solís, shaped, in turn, by other anonymous speeches. The relevance of self-narrating in this way is such that it implies a radical change in the personality and destiny of Demetrio Macías.

Buddhist Paths to Violence

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Jerryson
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Case Studies ◽  
Sri Lankan ◽  
Historical Case ◽  
Buddhist Logic ◽  
The Third ◽  
Buddhist Doctrine ◽  
Tamil Tigers ◽  
The Way ◽  
Historical Case Studies

This chapter charts potential Buddhist pathways to violence through doctrine, logic, and heuristics. The first section introduces examples from the Buddhist doctrine that provide spaces to justify violence. In the second section, doctrinal arguments find a way into Buddhist logic, as evidenced by the historical case studies of wars, such as Japanese Buddhists during the Russo-Japanese War of Sri Lankan Buddhists throughout the 26-year civil war against the Liberation Tamil Tigers of Eelam. Finally, the third section draws upon the work of psychologist Daniel Kahneman and his study of availability heuristics to examine the way Buddhists disavow some lives from their precept of nonviolence.

The Politics of Slavery and the Coming Civil War

2020 ◽  
pp. 78-95
Author(s):  
John Ashworth
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Wage Labor ◽  
Social Changes ◽  
Slave Resistance ◽  
The Third ◽  
The North ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Sectional Conflict

This article is divided into four parts. The first recounts the events of the sectional crisis up to the Compromise of 1850. The second looks at factors underlying these events: the relationship between slavery and the Democratic Party, deepening attachment of the South to slavery, the economic and social changes that generated antislavery sentiment in the North (including the shift to wage labor), and the much neglected role of slave resistance in the politics of the sectional conflict. The third shows the decisive impact of these factors in the final decade of peace. The fourth refers to, and criticizes, some current interpretations and misunderstandings of the origins of the Civil War,

Passionate Allegories: Staging Romance in Civil War Melodrama

2014 ◽  
Vol 132 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Erik Redling
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
African Americans ◽  
Silent Film ◽  
Perceived Threat ◽  
Uncle Tom's Cabin ◽  
The North ◽  
The Face ◽  
North And South ◽  
The Way

Abstract The essay traces the changing stages of allegorical melodrama, which heighten the respective Civil War goals of the North and South, from the beginning of the war to the silent film era. At the outset of the war both sides use portrayals of Civil War romance to create ‘passionate allegories’ that praise their own cause and disparage their opponents. Subsequently, spectacular allegorical enactments in postbellum Civil War romance plays serve to commemorate magnanimous, unifying encounters between North and South as well as the North’s victory. Finally, somewhat removed from the war, early silent movies of the new century draw on melodrama’s theater conventions (especially allegorical tableaux) to fire up the audience’s passion for the union of North and South: for instance, Edwin S. Porter’s film Uncle Tom’s Cabin (1903) shows that Tom’s death was not in vain because it paved the way for the reconciliation of North and South, while D. W. Griffith’s racist Civil War epic The Birth of a Nation (1915) ends with a double honeymoon to stress the need of a white union between North and South in the face of the perceived threat of African Americans.

The Comprehensive Peace Agreement

2012 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew S. Natsios
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Peace Agreement ◽  
The Third ◽  
The North ◽  
Sustained Effort

Why did Khartoum negotiate an end to the Second Civil War? The third Darfur rebellion devolved into a disastrous conflagration while the most sustained effort to resolve the North–South war since Sadiq al-Mahdi’s overthrow was under way. As we’ve seen, these wars were interrelated: the...

Deconstructing Turkey’s “Open Door” Policy towards Refugees from Syria

2015 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 209-225 ◽  
Author(s):  
Burcu Togral Koca
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Civil War ◽  
Border Studies ◽  
Open Door ◽  
Open Door Policy ◽  
Security Framework ◽  
Liberal Policy ◽  
The Way

Turkey has followed an “open door” policy towards refugees from Syria since the March 2011 outbreak of the devastating civil war in Syria. This “liberal” policy has been accompanied by a “humanitarian discourse” regarding the admission and accommodation of the refugees. In such a context, it is widely claimed that Turkey has not adopted a securitization strategy in its dealings with the refugees. However, this article argues that the stated “open door” approach and its limitations have gone largely unexamined. The assertion is, here, refugees fleeing Syria have been integrated into a security framework embedding exclusionary, militarized and technologized border practices. Drawing on the critical border studies, the article deconstructs these practices and the way they are violating the principle of non-refoulement in particular and human rights of refugees in general. 

Géographie et cartographie fictionnelles dans l’Utopie (1516) de Thomas More

Moreana ◽  
2010 ◽  
Vol 47 (Number 181- (3-4) ◽  
pp. 9-68
Author(s):  
Jean Du Verger
Keyword(s):  
Complex Network ◽  
Narrative Strategies ◽  
Thomas More ◽  
The Third ◽  
Editio Princeps ◽  
Shed Light ◽  
The Way

The philosophical and political aspects of Utopia have often shadowed the geographical and cartographical dimension of More’s work. Thus, I will try to shed light on this aspect of the book in order to lay emphasis on the links fostered between knowledge and space during the Renaissance. I shall try to show how More’s opusculum aureum, which is fraught with cartographical references, reifies what Germain Marc’hadour terms a “fictional archipelago” (“The Catalan World Atlas” (c. 1375) by Abraham Cresques ; Zuane Pizzigano’s portolano chart (1423); Martin Benhaim’s globe (1492); Martin Waldseemüller’s Cosmographiae Introductio (1507); Claudius Ptolemy’s Geographia (1513) ; Benedetto Bordone’s Isolario (1528) ; Diogo Ribeiro’s world map (1529) ; the Grand Insulaire et Pilotage (c.1586) by André Thevet). I will, therefore, uncover the narrative strategies used by Thomas More in a text which lies on a complex network of geographical and cartographical references. Finally, I will examine the way in which the frontispiece of the editio princeps of 1516, as well as the frontispiece of the third edition published by Froben at Basle in 1518, clearly highlight the geographical and cartographical aspect of More’s narrative.

The Antonov rebel detachments in the territory of the Balashov uyezd of the Saratov gubernia (1920–1921)

2020 ◽  
pp. 45-51
Author(s):  
Sergei V. Lyovin
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Local Population ◽  
Local History ◽  
Local Authorities ◽  
Archival Material ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Way

The Civil War is one of the largest tragedies in the history of our country. One of its dramatic episodes is the rebel movement led by A.S. Antonov which took place in the Tambov gubenia in 1920–1921 and was brutally suppressed by the Bolsheviks. Its scope is evidenced by the fact that it went beyond the borders of the Tambov gubernia. Separate detachments of Antonovites from the autumn of 1920 to the summer of 1921 raided the territory of the Balashov uyezd of the neighboring Saratov gubernia. The paper attempts to consider the way the uyezd authorities fought the rebels and the way civilians treated them. On the basis of an analysis of the local archival material most of which has not yet been put into scientific circulation, periodicals and the local history literature the author comes to the following conclusion: every time the invasions of Antonov’s detachments into the territory of the Balashov uyezd were so rapid that the local authorities did not manage to organize a proper rebuff, and the peasants, for the most part, supported the rebels since they saw spokesmen and defenders of their interests in them. Only frequent requisitions of peasants’ property by Antonovites as well as the replacement of the surplus appropriation system (Prodrazvyorstka) by the tax in kind (Prodnalog) led to the fact that since the spring of 1921 the support of the rebels by the local population ceased.

CONDITIONS FAVOURABLE FOR PROTECTION THE MARINE SHORE OF THE VISTULA SPIT AND SAMBIAN PENINSULA (THE BATIC SEA, KALININGRAD OBLAST) BY OFFSHORE DISPOSAL OF DREDGED MATERIAL

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrei Sokolov ◽  
Andrei Sokolov ◽  
Boris Chubarenko ◽  
Boris Chubarenko
Keyword(s):  
Dredged Material ◽  
Vistula Lagoon ◽  
Shore Protection ◽  
The South ◽  
The Third ◽  
Dumping Site ◽  
The North ◽  
Kaliningrad Oblast ◽  
Wind Actions ◽  
The Vistula Lagoon

Three dumping sites located at the south-eastern part of the Baltic Sea (Kaliningrad Oblast) at shallow depths are considered. The first one is located to the south of the Vistula Lagoon inlet in front of a permanently eroded open marine shore segment. The second one is located to the north of the Vistula Lagoon inlet, and is used now for disposing of dredged material extracted from the Kaliningrad Seaway Canal. The third dumping site is located near the northern shore of the Sambian Peninsula to the east of the Cape Gvardeijski and assigned for disposing the dredged material extracted from the fairway to the Pionerskij Port located nearby. The last site is planned to be used for disposing of dredged material from the future port that should be constructed there before the beginning of the FIFA World Cup 2018. All three dumping sites are located not far from the eroded segments of the shore. The question behind the study is: would it possible that disposed material will naturally transported from the damping site to the shore and accumulate there to protect it from erosion? A numerical hydrodynamic-transport 3D model (MIKE) was used to model sediment transport under different wind actions. The winds with the speed stronger than 15 m/s complete wash out disposed material from the dumping site and spreading it over the wide area with a negligible layer thickness. Winds of about 7-10 m/s transport material along the shore at a distance of few kilometers that may be useful for shore protection. The first location of the dumping site (to the south of the Vistula Lagoon inlet) looks very ineffective for potential protection the shore nearby. At the other hand, the second and especially the third locations are favorable for transport of disposed material to the shore, the most favorable conditions are at onshore or alongshore currents.

The Tragedy of Lebanon

1984 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-52
Author(s):  
Mahmud A. Faksh
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
World War ◽  
Land Area ◽  
Henry Kissinger ◽  
The North ◽  
Northern Cyprus ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Status ◽  
New States

I.Since the end of World War 11, approximately eighty new states havebeen established. Only two, Pakistan and Cyprus, have undergone theagony of dismemberment when Bangladesh broke off in 1973 and theTurkish Republic of Northern Cyprus was declared in 1983. The worldmay now be witnessing the possible breakup of yet a third state:Lebanon, whose disintegration has been accelerated since the June 1982Israeli invasion.Shortly after the invasion began, Henry Kissinger assessed itsconsequence for Lebanon’s future, concluding, “It is neither desirablenor possible to return to the status quo ante in Lebanon.” One possibleoutcome was that some Syrian and Israeli forces would remain in thenorthern and southern ends, respectively, and the central government’sauthority would ostensibly cover the rest of the country. Implicit in theKissinger diagnosis is the possibility of eventual partition.Though the gloomy assessment by the “wizard” of US. foreign policyshould by no means be construed as a portent of an official shift awayfrom the publicly stated US. support of “Lebanon’s sovereignty andterritorial integrity,” a shadow was cast on the country’s prospects.Subsequent developments have seemed to indicate that Lebanon’sdemise looms larger than at any time since the beginning of the civil warin 1975-76.For over a year and a half national fragmentation has proceededinexorably. What many people once could imagine only with difficulty,they now acknowledge: in reality, Lebanon is facing possible death. TheSouth (35 percent of the land area) is occupied by Israel; the North andthe Biqa’ (45 percent) are controlled by Syria; Kasrawan (15 percent) iscontrolled by the Christian Maronite forces (the Lebanese Front forces),which are not subject to the government’s authority. The rest of thecountry-beleaguered Beirut and environs-was until the February1984 breakdown under the government’s shaky control supported bysymbolic US., French, Italian, and British units. The Multi-NationalForce (MNF) was subject to increasing attacks by Muslim leftist factions,as witnessed in the October 23 bombing of the quarters of U.S.Marines and French troops. Thus, instead of keeping peace, the MNFbecame ,a partisan force trying to protect itself. The US. and Frenchforces in particular seemed to have outlived their usefulness as“peacekeepers.” Recurrent fighting in southern Beirut and in theadjacent Chouf mountains, that pitted Christian Maronites and armyunits against Shi‘ite and Druse Muslims constantly threatened theexistence of President Amin Gemayel’s government and consequently arenewal of the civil war. This situation culminated in February 1984 inthe resignation of the Shafiq al-Wazzan’s cabinet, the loss ofgovernment’s control of West Beirut to Muslim-leftist militias, and theimminent collapse of Amin Gemayel’s presidency ...

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