scholarly journals Migration and Identity in Contemporary Bulgarian Society

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 155-164
Author(s):  
Albena I. Nakova

The article, based on the results of an empirical sociological study, examines the changes in the national identity of Bulgarian citizens under the influence of active migration processes within the EU. The started process of formation of su- pranational/European identity is substantiated. The exceptional dynamics of contemporary social processes, mass migratory movements in a world where borders are becoming more open and even practically absent (within the EU), and huge distances are covered in a very short time lead to significant changes in the identity of the Bulgarian citizens. New types of identity appear that are structurally and functionally different from the pre-existing ones, corresponding to the previous axiological paradigms. Constant process of movement from one society to another, and in particular from the new EU member states to the old member states within the “liquid migration”, leads to the transfer, assimilation and reconciliation of ideas, perceptions, understandings, values and behaviors that are typical for different societies, social groups and cultures. Bulgaria and Bulgarian citizens have been involved in these processes for three decades, with a gradually increasing intensity. Today the Bulgarian national identity is in constant transformation - the Bulgarian citizen becomes a European citizen, a citizen of the world. Thus, the specificity of social development logically leads to the formation of a supranational identity. On the other hand, when the change becomes permanent feature of society and radical changes occur over extremely short periods of time, it creates prerequisites for dissonance of identity. And sometimes, instead of the formation of a supranational identity, reverse processes of closure, localization, and regionalization are observed. It can be said that in modern Bulgarian society, the processes of European integration are accompanied by opposite processes of “atomization” of society and the “closure” of people into smaller, than national communities. The results of a national representative survey show that at this stage of development of the Bulgarian society, identification with the nation-state remains a key for Bulgarian citizens - more than half of the respondents identify themselves as citizens of Bulgaria. Almost one third of Bulgarian citizens, however, identify themselves with supranational structures (“citizen of Europe” and “citizen of the world”), which is an illustration of the processes of the formation of a supranational identity that have begun. And the identification of about one tenth of the respondents with their hometown, with the place where they were born, reflects the opposite trend of formation of local identity.

Author(s):  
T. Romanova ◽  
E. Pavlova

The article examines how the normative power, which the EU puts forward as an ideological basis of its actions in the world, manifests itself in the national partnerships for modernization between Russia and EU member states. The authors demonstrate the influence of the EU’s normativity on its approach to modernization as well as the difference in the positions of its member countries. It is concluded that there is no unity in the EU’s approach to democracy, human rights and the rule of law, and the new classification of EU member states, which is based on their readiness to act in accordance with the Union’s concept of normative power, is offered.


2017 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 10-12 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kristine Sørensen ◽  
Helmut Brand

Abstract A decade ago the European health literacy field was in its infancy. A comparable study among EU Member States was made to explore if health literacy was as much as a concern in Europe as elsewhere in the world. This article analyses the impact of the European Health Literacy project (2009–2012). Based on the outcomes new avenues for health literacy in Europe are proposed. In spite of progress there is still a strong call for actions to make health literacy a priority in the EU.


Subject Alleged discrepancies between the quality of foods on sale in the western and eastern EU. Significance Governments in eastern EU member states are recycling long-heard rumours that multinational food brands sold there are of poorer quality than in western states. Tests by some national authorities appear to confirm these fears. Such practices would not be illegal, but they exacerbate broader worries about second-class citizenship in Central-Eastern Europe (CEE), compounded by uncertainty over the direction the EU will take in coming months. Impacts The east-west divide will deepen as a new front is opened ahead of a likely EU reform push later this year. CEE’s political significance will receive a momentary boost as countries show a united front on one of only a handful of issues. A reaction against multinationals from within the EU could make protectionism more respectable elsewhere in the world.


2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 17-20
Author(s):  
Martin Illáš

AbstractThe current developments in the European legislative protection against the introduction of plant pests is problematic in terms of its quality and in relation of the EU law to the law of EU Member States. The quality of this legislation is significant by non-uniform wording used in Directive 2019/523 and in Council Directive 2000/29/EC, especially in geographical indications, names of taxonomic units of organisms and listing of requirements, conditions, states, plants, plant products and organisms. Another problematic phenomenon of the uncertainty of the EU Member states caused by very slow European law-making process regarding to adoption of implementing regulations, which needed to enter into force on December 14th 2019 based on Regulation 2016/2031 repealing the present legislation in plant pest protection covered by seven older directives. Despite of this fact, the EU amended simultaneously this older legislation only a very short time before the date of repealing.


Author(s):  
Justyna Salamońska

Over the decades Europe has received many and diverse flows of people from around the world. Migrants coming from outside the EU along intra-European migrants have changed the landscape of migrations with their diverse mobility projects. At the same time European citizens residing in their countries of origin are mobile in multiple ways when they engage in travel and consumption across the borders or they connect to family and friends based in other countries. In this chapter I will argue that while European citizens themselves have become more mobile engaging in cross-border exchanges and interactions, these processes have also brought about the change in their thinking about mobility of others who migrate from other EU Member States and beyond. Using the Eurobarometer data I illustrate how attitudes towards intra- and extra-European migration differ, with largely positive sentiments towards migrants coming from within the EU and predominantly negative attitudes towards migrants from outside the EU. However, determinants of these attitudes remain similar, irrespectively if they are directed at European movers or third country nationals. Among examined determinants of sentiments, engagement in cross-border practices seems to coincide with more positive opinions about migration.


Author(s):  
Karin Arts

Development cooperation is one of the traditional policy domains of the European Union (EU). Over the years it advanced from an instrument used in colonial times to one of modern partnership, although European self-interest remains a driving force. Jointly, the EU and its member states are the largest development donor in the world and also provide sizable market access and investment to developing countries. Their overall performance record has been assessed fairly positively by internal and external parties, although many possible improvements have been identified. The various enlargements of the EU traceably supported a widening of the geographic and substantive scope of EU development policies and practice. In addition, EU development cooperation was reinforced by the fact that it gradually received a firmer basis in the constituent EU treaties. The “European Consensus on Development” document, as revised in 2017, laid out the main direction of and emphases in EU development cooperation until the year 2030. The European Consensus prescribed a rights-based approach, and squarely placed the United Nations “Agenda 2030” and the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) contained in it, as the main framework and objectives for EU development cooperation. A wide range of actors is involved in EU development cooperation, in part because this is an area of shared competence among the EU member states that pursue their own national policies as well as those specified by the EU. Thus, EU actors such as the European Commission, Council, and Parliament feature in this policy field along with EU member states and individual or collective developing country actors. The most prominent example of this is the African, Caribbean, and Pacific (ACP) Group of States, which consists of 79 countries. Civil society organizations, including non-governmental development organizations, both from the North and the South, also seek to influence or otherwise engage with the policies and practices of EU development cooperation. While EU development cooperation is an established policy field, it is also still very much a work in progress, and major challenges lay ahead for action in the period up to 2030, the year in which the SDGs are to be realized. These major challenges include funding, strengthening the EU’s political clout in the world by using development cooperation more strategically for forging and influencing global decision-making on relevant topics, renewing and innovating the relations between the EU and ACP countries, handling the consequences of Brexit, and improving on the delivery of EU development cooperation.


Management ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 128-136
Author(s):  
Valeriia G. Shcherbak

Introduction. The revitalization of innovation in the global dimension has a significant impact on the competitiveness of the national economy. The intensification of innovation processes requires the use of innovative strategies. There is a significant differentiation of countries in terms of competitiveness and innovative development. At the present stage of reforming, the development of the economy on an innovative basis becomes one of the priorities of strengthening the competitiveness, modernization of the institutional base and effective use of the innovative potential of innovative integration of Ukraine and the EU.Hypothesis of scientific research. It is envisaged that the use of strategic priorities and mechanisms for utilizing Ukraine's innovation potential through the implementation of European practices of managing targeted innovation programs will allow developing programmatic measures to strengthen the existing and modernize the competitive advantages of innovative integration of Ukraine and the EU.The purpose of the article is setting priorities and developing a system of means of enhancing Ukraine's competitiveness on innovative grounds in the context of European integration.The research methodologyis the use of the European Innovation Scoreboard, the Innovation Index of the EU Member States. In the course of the study, the methods of systematization and taxonomy were used.Results: the position of Ukraine in the global and innovation ratings, the EU innovation scoreboard, the place of Ukraine in it, the position of Ukraine in the ranking of the countries of the world according to the Global Competitiveness Index, the Global Competitiveness Index. The analysis of differences in the development and implementation of innovative development strategies of EU Member States and Ukraine is conducted, the organizational and economic toolkit of innovative integration of Ukraine and the EU is substantiated.Conclusions: proved that macro-level competitiveness research in an innovative context is based on the methodology of calculation of such indicators as: IMD and WEF global competitiveness indices; global innovation development indices from Boston Consulting groupe and INSEAD; Eurostat European Innovation Rating (EIS); Bloomberg Agency Global Innovation Ratio (GIQ); international innovation index; composite eco-innovation index; the patent activity rating of the World Intellectual Property Organization (WIPO) allows you to find out the main directions of innovative integration of Ukraine and the EU.


2020 ◽  
Vol 46 ◽  
Author(s):  
Raoul Tan ◽  
Eric Sijbrands

Background: On 31 January 2020, the United Kingdom (UK) formally left the European Union (EU). Only a short transition period, until 31 December 2020, is available to negotiate collaborations for research in biomedical sciences and health care. Within the European scientific community, two opinions are common: 1) Brexit is an opportunity to obtain more funding at the expense of the departing British; and 2) UK colleagues should continue to collaborate in EU scientific efforts, including Horizon Europe and Erasmus+. To provide evidence for more informed negotiations, we sought to determine the contribution of the UK to EU&rsquo;s research in biomedical sciences. Methods: We performed a macro level scientometric analysis to estimate the contribution of the UK and EU member states, including those associated with EU-funding (EU+) namely Albania, Armenia, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Faroe Islands, Georgia, Iceland, Israel, Macedonia, Moldova, Montenegro, Norway, Serbia, Switzerland, Tunisia, Turkey, and Ukraine, to preclinical, clinical and health sciences. We searched the Web of Science database to count the total number of scientific publications and the top 1% most cited publications in the world between 2008 and 2017, calculated the performance efficiency by dividing the top 1% by the total number, and calculated the odds ratios to create a ranking of performance efficiency. We then compared the contribution of the UK to all the EU+ -based publications and the top 1% to the contributions of the ten EU member states with the largest biomedical research output and also compared the respective contributions to EU+ publications that resulted from collaborations with other regions in the world. Results: We found 2,991,016 biomedical publications from EU+ during 2008&ndash;2017, of which 19,019 (0.64%) were in the world&rsquo;s top 1% of the most cited publications. The UK produced 665,467 (22.3%) of these publications and had over two and a half times more top 1% most cited publications than the EU+ (odds ratio 2.79, 95% CI 2.71&ndash;2.88, p< 0.001). The UK&rsquo;s share in the EU+ co-publications with regions outside Europe ranged between 23.0% for the Arab League and 50.6% for Australia and New Zealand and its share of the top 1% ranged between 48.6% for the USA and Canada and 70.7% for the African Union. Conclusions: The UK contributed far more highly cited publications than the rest of the EU+ states and strongly contributed to European collaborations with the rest of the world during 2008&ndash;2017. This suggests that if the UK ceases to participate in EU scientific collaborations as a result of Brexit, the quantity and quality of EU&rsquo;s research in biomedical sciences will be adversely affected.


2020 ◽  
Vol 183 (5-6) ◽  
pp. 17-25
Author(s):  
Olena Zayats ◽  

Introduction. With this paper we want to show that the study of international competitiveness only at a country level does not correspond to the contemporary development of the global economy. The author presents the methodology for competitiveness grouping of international integration groupings’ member states in order to assess the global competitive force of trade and economic groupings in the world economy. Based on the data of the Global Competitiveness Report 2019 regarding the competitiveness of the EU Member States, the Global Competitive Force Index of the EU as an interstate integration grouping has been calculated. The Index will help evaluate economic integration or disintegration processes in the global economy. The research demonstrates the necessity of the annual global competitive force ranking of international integration groupings. This study will enhance knowledge in the field of economics by grouping the EU Member States’ global competitiveness indices according to 12 criteria and identifying the new quantitative and qualitative integrated Global Competitive Force Index of an international integration grouping. To reach this objective, we will define the Integrated Global Competitive Force Index as the average of the individual points of the EU Member States in 2019. The novelty of our study lies in the comparative analysis of the three largest interstate integration groupings from the perspective of their competitive force. The introduction of the new integrated Global Competitive Force Index of interstate integration groupings will help competition policy makers decide which processes of economic integration or disintegration should be preferred in order to increase their competitive force in the global economy. The purpose. Research and calculation of the European Union’s Integrated Global Competitive Force Index to analyze the attractiveness of the European Union in terms of global competitive force. Based on the calculation of the EU Integrated Global Competitive Force Index 2019, the attractiveness of the EU competitive environment has been determined according to 12 criteria. Results. The ranking of the three largest regional integration groupings of the world economy has been formed. Specification of the assessment and results of the integrated index of interstate integration groupings’ global development can be used for the competition policy development of the individual member state of an integration grouping as well as the communitarian competition policy. The EU Integrated Global Competitive Force Index will help understand what the integration grouping’s competitive force means and whether the process of interstate integration of countries contributes to enhancing the competitive force of an individual country and the integration grouping as a whole. To calculate the EU Integrated Competitive Force Index, we will analyze the Member States on 12 competitive strength criteria, and Global Competitiveness Report 2019 will serve as the basis for our study. According to our calculations, the EU Integrated Global Competitive Force Index is 72 points out of 100. Conclusion. The results of a comprehensive integrated assessment of the competitive force of 28 EU Member States demonstrate a high overall competitive force index of the grouping, indicating the EU’s impact on global competitive processes. The EU Global Competitive Force Index can be used both as an indicator of the separate international integration grouping’s development and as a global criterion for the effectiveness of interstate integration groupings in the transformation of international competitive relations. Discussion. The highlighting of the EU global competitive force is a requirement for the contemporary development of the global competitive environment, since interstate integration groupings are the main actors of the world economy, which significantly affect the distribution and growth of competitive force.


2018 ◽  
Vol 17 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 115-144
Author(s):  
Xiaohua Li

Abstract China and the eu are important economies and among the greatest green-house gas emitters in the world. Therefore, strengthening cooperation between the eu and China in the renewable field is vital to prevent the earth from getting any warmer. However, the renewable field which include energy equipment, products manufacturing, and operating systems, is a huge market that is worth billions of dollars. Because of their different economic interest, a trade war (anti-dumping and countervailing investigation) broke out between China and eu in the pv industry which includes solar panels, solar glass and solar-grade polysilicon. Could there be cooperation between China and eu Member States in the photovoltaic fields instead of conflict? This paper illustrates the development of pv solar energy and the conflict between eu and China, discusses the main support policies in both the eu and China and their influence on cooperation and conflict, and compares the differences in strengths and weaknesses between the eu and China. This paper draws the conclusion that cooperation between China and the eu in the pv industry could be achieved, and industrial policies should be adjusted in order to avoid or alleviate the conflict.


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