Selected Bibliography of Soviet Works on Southern Asia, 1954–56

1957 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 43-54
Author(s):  
Alvin Z. Rubinstein

The post-Stalinist interest shown by the Soviet Union in the non-aligned nations of Southern Asia has been accompanied by a corresponding increase in the quantity and quality of material dealing with this area appearing in leading Soviet scholarly journals. Though there has been the usual spate of propagandistic articles lauding the growing evidences of expanding cultural, economic, and political relations between the Soviet Union on the one hand, and India, Afghanistan, Burma, and Indonesia on the other, it would be a mistake to dismiss all such Soviet endeavors as unworthy of serious attention. Much of the material reflects a diligent effort by Soviet orientalists to analyze the past and the present of the nations of Southern Asia with a view toward making up for the previous period of flagrant neglect.

1989 ◽  
Vol 10 ◽  
pp. 103-121 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arturo Tosi

In the past two decades bilingual education has become an educational movement and a field of academic inquiry of remarkable growth throughout the world. At first glance this appears to be the outcome of the increasingly hegemonic role of a few languages like English in the western world and countries economically affiliated to it, Russian in the multilingual republics of the Soviet Union, and Putonghua in the People's Republic of China. But a closer look at the first of these areas—the one better known to us—shows how complex the dynamics of language spread and language change are in diverse sociopolitical contexts.


2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 135-144
Author(s):  
Tomasz Gajownik

The non-aggression pact concluded in November 1932 between France and the Soviet Union was on the one hand the peak achievement of French diplomacy in implementing the plan of strengthening influence in Central and Eastern Europe, and on the other the growing position of Moscow in the international arena. The signed document was the first inter-state agreement concluded by France and the USSR. From the perspective of the Second Polish Republic, the Franco-Soviet rapprochement could have had certain unfavorable consequences. That is why both civilian and military factors closely watched the negotiation process between both parties and tried to determine the actual state of bilateral relations.


2020 ◽  
pp. 87-92
Author(s):  
T. N. Pidlasko

The article touches on the topical issue of interaction between law and morality, caused by the fact that society is constantly developing, and this process is endless, therefore, the norms of law and morality are constantly changing in their development. This process is not easy and covers different sides. Any country is unique because it has its own specific features and uniqueness. The Russian Federation is particularly unique, because on the one hand, it is the largest in terms of area, population and territory, on the other hand, it is home to a large variety of ethnic groups. Our government has repeatedly experienced a total conversion, was confronted with a powerful crisis, not only political, but also economic. With the collapse of the Soviet Union, Russia again experienced a crisis that affected the economy, politics, and the spiritual world of Russian society. Up to the present time Russia is trying to overcome this crisis, at the same time faced with new challenges. Political transformations, economic realities, and many other factors certainly have an impact on law and morals, because in the country, society, subjected to huge tests, regularly changes, changing its spirit and mentality. The past legislation is outdated, and the new one is still being formed, passing through a number of mistakes and entering into disagreement with the past foundations.


1961 ◽  
Vol 5 ◽  
pp. 1-24
Author(s):  
Richard Lowenthal

The policy declaration and the appeal to the peoples of the world adopted last December by the Moscow conference of eighty-one Communist parties mark the end of one phase in the dispute between the leaderships of the ruling parties of China and the Soviet Union—the phase in which the followers of Mao for the first time openly challenged the standing of the Soviet Communists as the fountain-head of ideological orthodoxy for the world movement. But the “ideological dispute” which began in April was neither a sudden nor a self-contained development: it grew out of acute differences between the two Communist Great Powers over concrete diplomatic issues, and it took its course in constant interaction with the changes in Soviet diplomatic tactics. Hence the total impact of that phase on Soviet foreign policy on one side, and on the ideology, organisation and strategy of international Communism on the other, cannot be evaluated from an interpretation of the Moscow documents alone, but only from a study of the process as a whole, as it developed during the past year on both planes.


2018 ◽  
pp. 35
Author(s):  
Oliver Musa Noyan

The following bachelor thesis will deal with the policy of national minorities in the Soviet Republic of Georgia and its impact on the wars of secession in the early 1990s. The analysis will be framed in a center- periphery model to explain the complex struggle between the soviet authorities in Moscow and Tbilisi on the one hand, and Tbilisi and its autonomous regions of Abkhazia and South Ossetia on the other hand throughout the 20th century. The paper tries to examine the contemporary ethnic conflicts in Georgia though the lenses of an historical conflict-analysis to show the deeper historical roots of those frozen conflicts and the effects of the policy of nationalities in the Soviet Union on those conflicts.


Istoriya ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (11 (109)) ◽  
pp. 0
Author(s):  
Evgenia Tokareva

In the extremely difficult international situation of the second half of the 1930s, relations between the USSR and the Vatican occupied a very insignificant place. This is partly why the sources that would cover this problem more prominently are very scarce. Under these conditions, the Soviet press becomes an important and still insufficiently appreciated source. With the general strict censorship of the press of this period, it allows us to identify various, but sometimes quite significant nuances of perception of the Vatican policy in the Soviet Union. The first event that influenced some reassessment of the image of the Vatican was the VII Congress of the Comintern, held in 1935, which put forward the tactics of a united front, which assumed, among other things, cooperation with confessional organizations of workers, and even with the petty-bourgeois strata of the population. In the light of this new tactic, a certain line is beginning to be drawn, albeit almost imperceptibly and even, perhaps, unwittingly, between the Vatican as a political force and the national structures of the Catholic Church. A more noticeable reassessment of the image of the Vatican took place in 1938, when the differences between Italian fascism, German Nazism, on the one hand, and the Vatican, on the other, on racial problems and on the issue of the persecution of the Catholic Church became obvious and could not fail to attract the attention of Soviet diplomats and, following them, the Soviet press. The subsequent election of Pope Pius XII to the papal throne in 1939 allows us to strengthen this line and enrich it with attention to the Vatican's peacemaking policy. But the conclusion of the Molotov — Ribbentrop pact once again returns the image of the Vatican to its supposedly political conjuncture, but this time in the interests of the other side, which has now become the main opponent of the USSR, i. e. England and France. And only the German attack on the USSR allows for a brief moment to see the possibility of forming a different image of the Vatican, an opponent of racism and fascism in all its manifestations. A careful reading of the press allows us to draw a preliminary conclusion about the absence of a clearly developed and formulated position of the governing bodies of the Soviet Union in relation to the Vatican, which varied, albeit slightly, depending on changes in the foreign policy interests of the Soviet state.


2004 ◽  
Vol 54 (2) ◽  
pp. 175-200
Author(s):  
Y. Stotyka

In 1991 Ukraine became an independent state, abandoned central planning, and started the transformation of its economy. The country inherited a highly monopolised structure of economy from the Soviet Union, therefore demonopolisation and the development of competition have been among the main areas where structural changes were necessary. The present study gives a comprehensive picture of the development of antitrust policy in the Ukraine from 1992 to 2002 through an assessment of evolving competition policy and examination of the policy's implementation. On the one hand, the development of competition policy in the Ukraine included the establishment of rules and appropriate procedures, as well as the creation of a proper institutional framework. On the other hand, the lack of a unified state approach to the reformation of the economy in general and to the problems of the development of competition in particular could be observed. The actions of different state organs were not synchronised, and competition policy in the Ukraine failed to become the main element of the economic policy setup.


Author(s):  
Anna V. Kryzhan ◽  

This article dwells on improving the efficiency of people’s courts, which were a fundamental element of the Soviet judicial system, and on establishing control over their activities. The chronological framework of the paper covers the mid-1920s, when the results of the 1922 judicial reform had been put in practice and the key problems of the people’s courts became apparent. The article analyses the notion of the people’s court, which, on the one hand, reflects the essence of the judicial body making excessive use of the institution of elected people’s assessors in its work, and, on the other hand, levels the class essence of the Soviet court. Turning to documentary sources and archival materials, the author dwells on the main tasks of the new state power in organizing the activity of the people’s courts. It is emphasized that these courts were subject to scrutiny by the People’s Commissariat for Justice not just due to the objective need to establish their normal work, but also as a result of the increased confrontation between the Commissariat and the Supreme Court of the Soviet Union, especially over the supervision of the judicial work of provincial courts and people’s courts. Having analysed the Instruction on the Audit Procedure of People’s Courts by Provincial Courts issued in 1924, the author points out that the Commissariat aimed not only to administer the work of the people’s courts, but also to assist them in improving their activities and solving problems. The author concludes that, in addition to formal reasons due to the limited number of judicial institutions, incompetent personnel and inadequate funding, the normalization of the work of the people’s courts was also hindered by a conceptual contradiction. On the one hand, the authorities aimed to create a civilized law that would demonstrate to the whole world the advantages of the Soviet system, and, on the other, to establish the class principle in the work of people’s courts.


2021 ◽  
Vol 83 ◽  
pp. 47-62
Author(s):  
Daniil Anikin ◽  
◽  

The purpose of the article is to analyze the mechanisms of the transformation of martyrological thinking in the Soviet Union and in post-Soviet Russia. The methodological basis of the study is constituted by the works written by the representatives of functionalism (E. Durkheim, M. Halbwachs, P. Bourdieu, J.C. Alexander), who raise the issue of the important role of religious rituals and forms of thinking in social space. Martyrological thinking creates martyrdom cults, performing an ambivalent function. On the one hand, this thinking is a way to maintain a collective identity, and on the other, a way to damage and destroy it. The author concludes that in Soviet society two main stages that formed martyrdom cults can be distinguished: the periods of the Civil War and the Great Patriotic War. In both cases, martyrological thinking was an important factor in the consolidation of the society. In post-Soviet society, martyrological thinking becomes a factor that causes the deconstruction of the symbolic space and a hidden factor in the destabilization of the political organization. The perception of the conservative part of the Russian society is expressed in the formation of the cult of the last Russian emperor, Nicholas II, which, on the one hand, allows to mitigate the historical responsibility, and on the other becomes a moral justification for criticizing the continuity of modern Russian power in relation to the Soviet Union.


Slavic Review ◽  
1980 ◽  
Vol 39 (3) ◽  
pp. 446-458 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elizabeth Clayton

The slowdown of growth in the Soviet economy has renewed interest in the agricultural productivity of the Soviet Union. The failure of agriculture to grow at the pace of industry has hampered overall expansion, and domestic crop failure has induced grain purchases abroad. The bottlenecks to Soviet agricultural growth and development are diverse. On the one hand, they may be inevitable, for the resource endowment of the Soviet Union, where the range of temperature is great and the level of precipitation is unpredictable, does not favor agriculture. On the other hand, they may be systemic, for Soviet agriculture has been criticized for weak labor incentives, stifling bureaucratic controls, and overly large farms.


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