scholarly journals Litwa Środkowa jako państwo marionetkowe z perspektywy prawa międzynarodowego

2021 ◽  
Vol 43 (3) ◽  
pp. 407-419
Author(s):  
Michał Stępień

The article concerns the legal status of Central Lithuania as a so-called puppet state from the point of view of international law. The very concept of a puppet state is based upon the apparent fulfilment of the Montevideo criteria — which boils down to the lack of effectiveness. The reasons for establishing such an entity are varied, but they are all politically biased. The points of reference are primarily Bantustans and Manchukuo — they are key instances of puppet states discussed in legal literature. In the case of Poland, the establishment of Central Lithuania was an imminent effect of the Polish-Soviet War. On the one hand, the goal of setting up the Central Lithuania as a puppet state was undoing the effects of the war with totalitarian Soviet Russia using the fait accompli method. On the other hand, it was about the legitimacy of territorial change which occurred as a result of a territorial referendum on the future of the Vilnius region. The key issue related to establishing puppet states is a need to refer to a very formal approach to international law. However, such an approach is not widely supported by legal writings on international law. As the result a puppet state has to face the allegation of being contrafactual since the very moment of its emergence. That means that a territorial change done by establishing a puppet state cannot be eventually legitimized. One of the criteria mentioned in the Montevideo Convention is a “capacity to enter into relations with the other states”. Notwithstanding, it is a precondition or an effect of statehood that capacity reflects the attitude of the international community to the “newly emerged state”. If can clearly be seen in the cases of Bantustans and Manchukuo. So, e.g., Manchukuo maintained consular relations with a few states, including Poland. However, Central Lithuania did not maintain international relations, but it was not relevant in this very case. That is because Central Lithuania existed for a year and a half. In addition, it took place shortly after the end of the First World War and the Polish-Soviet War, and during an ongoing armed conflict between Poland and Lithuania. The illusion of statehood of Central Lithuania was manifested by the establishment of Department of Foreign Affairs, which was not in the position to represent Central Lithuania in the realm of international relations. Most of all, Central Lithuania did not participate in Polish-Lithuanian negotiations — that entity was an object here. Above all, these negotiations concerned the future status of Central Lithuania. The fact that relations with Central Lithuania were within the competencies of the Polish Ministry of Foreign Affairs is the only argument in favour of acknowledging Central Lithuania as a foreign state in relation to Poland. There was a delegate of Poland at the Provisional Governing Commission. Members of the Provisional Governing Commission were communicating with that delegate, without the need of involving the Department of Foreign Affairs, which made the department completely unnecessary. The correspondence of the Polish Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the authorities of Central Lithuania reveals that the relations between the two entities were not diplomatic. Poland did not recognize the statehood of Central Lithuania but rather acknowledged the fact that it is abroad. At the same time, Central Lithuania was dependent upon Poland, e.g. for food supplies. Central Lithuania can be seen as shaping stage Polish of east border after ending of war with Soviet Russia based on totalitarian ideology. That is an interesting example of Poland instrumentalizing international in its critical moment. However, such an approach to international law is a two-edged sword.

Author(s):  
Nico Schrijver

This chapter focuses on Article 2(4) of the UN Charter, which prohibits the use of force in international relations. After discussing pre-Charter attempts to restrict states’ freedom to resort to warfare, it examines the emergence of a normative doctrine on a bellum justum. It considers the history of Article 2(4) and the other articles of the Charter that touch on the use of force and outlines exceptions to the prohibition on the use of force, including the so-called Uniting for Peace procedure. It examines the interpretation of Article 2(4) in the practice of the General Assembly, Security Council, and International Court of Justice), together with its inclusion in a number of multilateral treaties. Finally, it assesses the question whether the use of force after 1945 conforms to the object and purpose of Article 2(4), as well as the legal status of the prohibition to use force in contemporary international law.


Author(s):  
Jānis Grasis

Latvijā joprojām nozīmīga problēma no starptautisko tiesību viedokļa ir nepilsoņu tiesiskais statuss un to risināšanas iespējas nākotnē. Zinātniski izsvērti šo problēmu analizē Jānis Grasis. In Latvia, form an international law point of view, a very topical problem remains the legal status of non-citizens and ways of addressing the issue in the future. Scientifically elaborate approach to the problem analysis has been provided by Jānis Grasis.


1979 ◽  
Vol 73 (4) ◽  
pp. 628-646 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Crawford

In a series of articles in this Journal, Professor Robert Wilson drew attention to the incorporation of references to international law in United States statutes, a technique designed to allow recourse to international law by the courts in interpreting and implementing those statutes, and, consequently, to help ensure conformity between international and U.S. law. The purpose of this article is to survey the references, direct and indirect, to international law in the 20th-century statutes of two Commonwealth countries in order to see to what extent similar techniques have been adopted. The choice of the United Kingdom and the Commonwealth of Australia as the subjects of this survey is no doubt somewhat arbitrary (although passing reference will be made to the legislation of Canada and New Zealand). But the United Kingdom, a semi-unitary state whose involvement in international relations has been substantial throughout the century, and the Commonwealth of Australia, a federal polity with substantial legislative power over foreign affairs and defense -whose international role has changed markedly since 1901, do provide useful examples of states with constitutional and legislative continuity since 1901, and (as will be seen) considerable legislative involvement in this field.


2018 ◽  
Vol 18 (01) ◽  
pp. 1-12
Author(s):  
Imelda Masni Juniaty Sianipar

AbstractOn the Annual Press Statement of the Indonesian Minister for Foreign Affairs 2017, Minister for Foreign Affairs, Retno LP Marsudi stated that Indonesia will accelerate the settlement of negotiations on the border issues of Indonesia with several neighboring countries including Timor Leste. Foreign Minister Retno also stressed that the settlement of Indonesia's border with Timor-Leste will be peaceful, without threat of violence, and with full respect for international law. This article seeks to understand the border dispute of the border areas of Indonesia-Timor Leste in international relations perspective. There are three strategies that Indonesia can implement to resolve this dispute. They are military confrontation, the use of formal institutions such as international organizations and the use of informal institutions such as norms, beliefs, ideas and values. The article argues that it is not enough to rely solely on international agreements to resolve the dispute between Noel Besi / Citrana and Bijael Sunan / Oben, Indonesia needs to emphasize the importance of understanding the norms, beliefs, ideas and values of indigenous peoples living in disputed territories. It is expected that the use of formal and informal institutions can accelerate the settlement of dispute Noel Besi / Citrana and Bijael Sunan / Oben.Keywords: land border dispute, Indonesia, Timor Leste AbstrakPada Pernyataan Pers Tahunan Menteri Luar Negeri Tahun 2017, Menteri Luar Negeri (Menlu) Retno LP Marsudi menyatakan bahwa Indonesia akan mempercepat penyelesaian perundingan masalah perbatasan wilayah Indonesia dengan beberapa negara tetangga, salah satunya adalah Timor Leste. Menlu Retno juga menekankan bahwa penyelesaian perbatasan Indonesia dengan Timor Leste akan dilakukan secara damai, tanpa ancaman kekerasan, dan dengan penghormatan sepenuhnya pada hukum internasional. Artikel ini berupaya memahami sengketa perbatasan wilayah perbatasan Indonesia-Timor Leste dalam perspektif hubungan internasional. Ada tiga strategi yang dapat ditempuh oleh Indonesia dalam rangka menyelesaikan sengketa ini yaitu konfrontasi militer, penggunaan institusi formal seperti organisasi internasional serta penggunaan institusi informal yaitu norma, kepercayaan, ide dan nilai. Artikel ini berargumen bahwa untuk menyelesaikan sengketa Noel Besi/Citrana dan Bijael Sunan/Oben tidak cukup menggandalkan traktat / perjanjian internasional saja, Indonesia perlu lebih menekankan pada pentingnya pemahaman akan norma, kepercayaan, ide dan nilai dari masyarakat adat yang tinggal di wilayah sengketa tersebut. Niscaya penggabungan strategi pemanfaatan institusi formal dan informal tersebut dapat mempercepat penyelesaian sengketa Noel Besi/Citrana dan Bijael Sunan/Oben.Kata kunci: sengketa wilayah perbatasan darat, Indonesia, Timor Leste


Author(s):  
Андрій Матвійчук

Сформульовано визначення поняття «міжнародна неурядова організація» (МНУО) як організоване об'єднання представників громадськості різних країн, створене відповідно до національного законодавства для досягнення цілей і завдань розвитку громадянського суспільства й міжнародних відносин, що діє відповідно до загальновизнаних принципів Уставу ООН і норм міжнародного права на території двох і більше держав і володіє консультативним статусом. З’ясовано, що видовими ознаками, які містять у собі: цілі й завдання, характер діяльності, форму організації, наявність консультативного статусу тощо визначається відмінність міжнародної НУО від інших суб'єктів міжнародних відносин. Такі родові ознаки (як от: факт об'єднання людей, наявність постійних органів управління, Статуту тощо) є загальними для всього класу (роду) організацій. Обгрунтовано, що МНУО як учасник міжнародних відносин, є суб'єктом міжнародного права, однак їх правосуб'єктність має функціональний характер, тобто обмежений її консультативним статусом. Продемонстровано, що МНУО є неофіційною сполучною ланкою між національними урядами й міжнародним співтовариством, беруть активну участь у розробці міжнародних стандартів, методів, моделей і співвідносять їхню національну значимість з міжнародно-правовою. Зазначається, що у національному законодавстві України спостерігається тенденція оптимальної розробки питань, що стосуються правового статусу МНУО з огляду на міжнародні принципи й стандарти. Водночас, не можна йти шляхом повного їхнього копіювання, оскільки держава, ґрунтуючись на своєму суспільно-історичному досвіді, досвіді функціонування правової системи, на існуючих суспільних відносинах і своїх національних інтересах, сама має право визначати правовий статус МНУО. Пропонується у змінах до закону «Про неурядові організації» відобразити основну ідею, яка полягає в тому, що неурядові організації є ядром громадянського суспільства, найважливішим фактором розвитку демократичної держави й міжнародних відносин, засобом реалізації громадянами своїх прав і свобод. Matviichuk Andriy V. Activities of international nongovernmental organizations in the legislative and legal space of Ukraine The definition of the concept of "international non-governmental organization" (international NGO) as an organized association of representatives of the public of different countries, formulated in accordance with the national legislation for the achievement of the goals and objectives of the development of civil society and international relations acting in accordance with the generally recognized principles of the Charter of the United Nations and the norms of international law on the territory of two or more states and has consultative status. It was found out that the specific features that include: goals and objectives, the nature of activity, the form of organization, the presence of consultative status, etc., is determined by the distinction of the international NGO from other subjects of international relations. Such generic attributes (such as the fact of association of people, the presence of permanent bodies of government, the Statute, etc.) are common to the entire class (kind of) organizations. It is substantiated that international NGO as a participant in international relations is a subject of international law, but their legal personality is functional, that is, limited by its consultative status. It has been demonstrated that the international NGO is an informal link between national governments and the international community and is actively involved in the development of international standards, methods, models and their national relevance with international legal law. It is noted that in the national legislation of Ukraine there is a tendency for the optimal development of issues related to the legal status of the international NGO, taking into account international principles and standards. At the same time, it is impossible to go through the full copying of them, since the state, on the basis of its socio-historical experience, the experience of functioning of the legal system, in existing social relations and its national interests, has the right to determine the legal status of the Ministry of the Interior. The proposed amendments to the law "On Non-Governmental Organizations" reflect the basic idea that non-governmental organizations are the core of civil society, the most important factor in the development of a democratic state and international relations, as a means of citizens' realization of their rights and freedoms.


Author(s):  
Dioclécio Salomão Carneiro

The research proposal is based on analyzing whether the most different forms of Cooperation between States occur, the sovereignty of one or the other may be at risk, from the point of view of international relations with the independent treatment of immigrants. In this context, we seek to evaluate the assumptions and consequences of this cooperative model among the Constitutional States as a form of articulation and condition of this cooperative, guaranteeing the so-called fundamental rights to this portion of individuals.


2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. p189
Author(s):  
Maher Gamil Aboukhewat

The archipelagic States, which attempt to extend their control over the waters surrounding their islands, are demanding the establishment of a legal system for archipelagos in order to preserve their interests, their maritime wealth and their regional security. On the other hand, there are the great maritime States that hold on to the freedom of the sea and international navigation.The problems raised by the islands constituting the archipelago did not stand at the end of sovereignty disputes and their right to their own maritime areas, but many other problems were associated with the presence of archipelagic islands. The measurement of marine areas of archipelagic islands requires a description of how the baselines from which these areas are measured are to be drawn. Also, the measurement of marine areas of the islands of individual problems is different from those raised by the presence of the islands in the form of an archipelago. Drawing baselines also varies according to the archipelagic islands site, and whether they are located in front of the coast regions or at the entrances to the bays in these coasts, or were located in the sea or ocean.These problems remained subject to international controversy and tension until a new system of archipelagic State was adopted under Part IV of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea in 1982, which represents a very important renewal of the international law of the sea.


Author(s):  
Duško Glodić

This article explores the role and importance accorded to customary international law in contemporary international law. First of all, the author has explored a number of issues related to this topic. Particluarly, the manner in which norms of customary international law are being established through the relevant State practice and the formation of opinio juris, as well as how the changes in contemporary international relations generated some chages in custromary international law were examined from both theretical and practical point of view. Than, the article elaborated, in a more concrete manner, different ways of impact of changes in international relations and subjects of international law to the formation of customary international rules. It has also paid attention to the evolution in international law and its reflection to the creation of international legal norms, including customary rules. The article concluded that, despite an ever increasing number of treaties, customary rules are still present in international law and are important for regulation of international relations, thus ensuring that dynamics and developments within the international community are followed by the development of legal framework.


1947 ◽  
Vol 41 (2) ◽  
pp. 365-377
Author(s):  
E. Wilder Spaulding

An expert on foreign affairs has summarized the limitation upon the right of a government to make public the diplomatic papers which it has received from another government as follows: “ … one party to a negotiation cannot, in honor and in courtesy, publish the negotiation without the consent of the other party, on pain of forfeiting that good-will upon which … ‘the peace of the world ultimately depends.’ ” This principle of consent to publication is accepted, with some reservations and exceptions, by American practice. But American practice in this matter is not generally accepted by all foreign offices and it is not precisely and definitely written into international law. It has been generally observed in normal times by the Great Powers, which have had most to gain by its application, and it has frequently been disregarded by small powers and by Great Powers in times of stress. It rests upon comity and reciprocity, not upon international legislation.


1951 ◽  
Vol 45 (2) ◽  
pp. 267-285 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kurt V. Laun

Hitler had been recognized by all foreign governments. Also during the last war the recognition was not withdrawn. One has therefore to assume that, from the point of view of international law, Hitler was the lawful government and representative of Germany. For the purposes of this article we need not deal with the question whether, according to German public law, he came to power, for instance, by means of a coup d'état or a perjury.


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