scholarly journals Centre-staging citizenship, power and communities in accountability discourses: An overview

2021 ◽  
pp. 273-278
Author(s):  
Sathyasree Goswami ◽  
E Premdas Pinto

This paper distils the key insights from thematic and inter-thematic deliberations of the Global Symposium on Citizenship, Governance and Accountability in Health. It describes the evolution of the symposium theme on linking accountability to citizenship and governance in health while providing an overview of the symposium. The paper further synthesises the key discussions of the core-themes, lays out analytical reflections that have emerged from the deliberations that touch upon the issues of power and politics surrounding accountability, viz civil society, democracy, power, civic space and the role of private non-state actors that affect health rights of the marginalised.

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Agustinus Sumaryono ◽  
Sugiyono Sugiyono

This research investigates how curriculum has contributed to society, especially in the context of maintaining peace in Indonesia. Unlike former studies that have paid the most attention to the fundamental role of the state actors or civil society, this study emphasizes the importance of school to build peace. This research pays attention to the case of catholic senior high school in Bali. The finding suggests that school can be agent of peace through implement the peace curriculum in school. This study demonstrates that the peace curriculum should be implemented in school to prevent the violence action. Hence, providing space for further discussion about the content of peace curriculum that can be implemented in Indonesia.


2019 ◽  
pp. 13-37
Author(s):  
Antoine Buyse

This article explores the role of the European Convention on Human Rights in addressing the issue of attacks on civic space, but also the potential effects of shrinking civic space on Strasbourg’s work. First, an overview of the notions of civil society and civic space is given, linking these concepts to democracy and human rights. Subsequently, the formal and informal roles for civil society in the judicial decision-making are discussed. Finally, the substantive protection offered to civil society and civic space under the ECHR and the case-law of the European Court of Human Rights is analysed. This article argues that the differentiations in theory on the varying contributions of civil society to democracy and human rights are to a large extent reflected in Strasbourg jurisprudence. Even more importantly, the ECHR system and civil society benefit from each other. This is why the current attacks on civic space are not just a problem for civil society itself, but also for the work of the European Court: it is submitted that a shrinking of civic space can also negatively affect the Strasbourg system, as the two are intertwined to a considerable extent.Received: 06 July 2019Accepted: 10 October 2019Published online: 20 December 2019


2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 42-60
Author(s):  
Marije Hristova ◽  
Monika Żychlińska

Between 2012 and 2017, at the Ł-section of Warsaw’s Powązki Military Cemetery, or ‘Łączka’, the Polish Institute of National Remembrance exhumed a mass grave containing the remains of post-war anti-communist resistance fighters. Being referred to as the ‘cursed soldiers’, these fighters have become key figures in post-2015 Polish memory politics. In this article we focus on the role of the volunteers at these exhumations in the production of the ‘cursed soldiers’ memory. Following the idea of community archaeology as a civil society-building practice, the observed processes of sacralisation and militarisation show how the exhumations create a community of memory that promotes the core values of the currently governing national-conservative PiS party. We found that tropes related to forensic research and typically identified with cosmopolitan memory paradigms are used within a generally nationalist and antagonistic memory framework.


Author(s):  
Priti Laishram

Abstract Songs of resistance have been used widely to address the plight of people. They have served as a medium through which people could talk about oppression and injustice. They depict the reality and lived experiences of people. In addition, they reflect on the socio-political situation while, at the same time, questioning the state atrocities and also addressing the conflict between state and non-state actors, namely the armed underground organisation, the civil society organisations. This paper attempts to understand the circulation of songs of resistance in Manipur, India. As the use of cassette has stopped and selling CDs became financially non-viable for independent artists, social media has become one of the major channels to reach the audience. The artists who sing songs of resistance do not perform in street protests, and their songs are even not used in street protests. Concerts, crowd-funded events, and social media, then, have become a major means through which the songs are circulated. The current study discusses the role of social media in facilitating the circulation of these songs. The paper also addresses the issue of access and the role of fan pages in this process. Keywords: resistance, songs, social media, circulation, concerts


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 11-15
Author(s):  
Pavel Solyanko

the article substantiates that courts play a special role in optimizing the interaction between the state and civil society. In the framework of administrative and constitutional proceedings, courts resolve public-law disputes between state bodies (officials) and non-state actors, thereby eliminating the risk of confrontation between them, which simultaneously reduces the effectiveness of public administration and the effectiveness of civil society institutions.


Author(s):  
Reetika Syal ◽  
Margit van Wessel ◽  
Sarbeswar Sahoo

AbstractExisting research on civil society organizations (CSOs) facing restricted civic space largely focuses on the crackdown on freedoms and CSOs’ strategies to handle these restrictions, often emphasizing impact on their more confrontational public roles. However, many CSOs shape their roles through collaborative relations with government. Drawing on interviews with state agencies and CSOs, this article analyes state–CSO collaboration in the restricted civic space context of disaster risk reduction in India. Findings are that the shaping of CSOs’ roles through collaboration under conditions of restricted civic space is only partly defined by the across-the-board restrictive policies that have been the focus of much existing research on restricted civic space and its implications for CSOs. Interplay at the level of individual state agencies and CSOs, based on mutual perceptions, diverse organization-level considerations and actions, and evolving relations, shape who collaborates with whom and to what effect. This article thus stresses interplay and agency, moving away from simple understandings of co-optation, and calling for a more differentiated approach to the study of state–civil society collaboration under conditions of restricted civic space, with close attention to navigation.


Author(s):  
David Miller ◽  
Claire Harkins ◽  
Matthias Schlögl ◽  
Brendan Montague

Civil society is widely thought of as an obstacle to corporate political strategy. This chapter suggests that civil society can be an ally in corporate attempts to undermine public health. It reviews the use of astroturf (i.e. fake grassroots groups) and ‘sock puppets’ (i.e. fake online identities) and discusses these in relation to the corporate-backed ‘sound science’ lobby. The chapter reviews the role of the tobacco and other addictive industries in creating front groups to pursue sectional corporate interests. It looks in turn at interlocking efforts such as the European Science and Environment Forum, the Risk of Freedom briefing, and more recent ventures such as the Institute of Ideas and Spiked the Democracy Institute. These groups are mostly not transparent about their relations with the corporations, and may exhibit some measure of independence from their corporate funders; however, any independence—real or manufactured—is not necessarily a disadvantage.


2011 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 42-55
Author(s):  
Lee F. Monaghan

It is not just publicly funded universities that are facing a cold and hard future in the aftershock of the 2008 global banking crisis. Nations, such as Ireland, are similarly affected as states seek to appease ‘the markets’ and cover private banks' losses at the public's expense. As this wave of neoliberalisation, or market fundamentalism, proceeds we may ask: what is the role of sociology? Drawing from an exploratory study of financial activism, notably silver vigilantism and the Crash JP Morgan Campaign, this paper endorses global public sociology among threatened publics. As per Michael Burawoy's calls for public sociology, this entails promoting reflexive knowledge and democratic dialogue in the defence of civil society. After outlining the core tenets, strengths and weaknesses of silver vigilantism, the role of public sociology and the need for further research are underscored as the economic crisis continues in post ‘Celtic Tiger' Ireland and beyond.


2021 ◽  
Vol 56 (2) ◽  
pp. 55-64
Author(s):  
Mohammad Rasel Kabir ◽  
Sunjida Khan ◽  
Shanjida Chowdhury ◽  
Sharmin Jahan ◽  
K. M. Anwarul Islam ◽  
...  

Climate governance has become a global issue, and it has proved difficult for any government to tackle this issue on its own. The role of civil society is most crucial, particularly in ensuring transparency and accountability in climate finance. Under certain international agreements, a huge amount of money is channeled in climate-vulnerable countries like Bangladesh through the climate financing mechanism. This is a tempting opportunity for a country routinely ranked first in the corruption index. This paper explores whether the growing involvement of various non-state actors in climate financing, under the dominant mechanism, creates a new ground for corruption together with the state actors. The paper aimed at helping ensure that climate finance decisions and actions are conducted with transparency, accountability, and integrity to prevent corruption and misuse of funds from undermining climate objectives. The main objective of the paper is to increase the capacity of stakeholders, particularly civil society, to contribute to the creation, implementation, and supervision of climate finance governance policies, with the participation of stakeholders, including government, fund managers, donors, Civil Society Organizations, non-governmental organizations, private sectors, and media analysis. Via content analysis, this study found that the Civil Society Organizations are getting caught up in the vicious circle of corruption in the climate finance sector in Bangladesh. Without having a separate mechanism for the Civil Society Organizations, there is little chance that their role will be positive in tackling corruption in this sector.


2017 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 1013
Author(s):  
Joseph S. Weiss ◽  
Zhu Dajian ◽  
Maria Amélia Enríquez ◽  
Peter H. May ◽  
Elimar Pinheiro Do Nascimento ◽  
...  

Abstract This interdisciplinary article draws from the radical ideas of global political ecology (GPE), environmental politics, ecological economics and the sociological analysis of social movements. It seeks to help bridge the research gap regarding non-state actors' (NSAs) influence on the role of the nation-state and the United Nations in global political ecology and environmental policy, including emission reductions, such as antideforestation measures, and environmental justice. We consider NSAs as consisting of two heterogeneous global coalitions: a) civil society organizations (CSOs) and environmental non-governmental organizations, and b) peak corporate organizations with green economy objectives, here denominated green business organizations, representing transnational corporations (TNCs). After a review of prior studies, we present a version of an advocacy coalition framework; identify a timeline of changes in UN architecture and simplified NSA influence categories. We only begin to test very broad hypotheses on relative agency and to compare NSA narratives with UN documents. We show that the architecture of the UN has gradually shifted from favoring civil society to corporations. There is evidence that, in the late 1990s, in comparison with CSOs, TNCs increased their access to nation-states and UN agencies. The TNC narrative changed from a) denying climate change and ignoring the UN to b) recognizing change and guiding negotiations. These shifts in UN architecture, TNC agency and narrative appears to have influenced changes in UN documents towards a corporate global environmental framework, reducing their references to the regulatory and enforcement roles of the state and global binding agreements, shifting global debate towards a voluntary corporate orientation. This may have reduced prospects for reducing emissions and increasing environmental justice. Combining market mechanisms with strong regulatory frameworks is best practice for environmental policy. When nation-states have the will and capacity to command and control, they can reduce environmental degradation. Stronger national government competence and enforcement capacity and binding UN agreements are essential for the effectiveness of market incentives, which may be enhanced by business and civil society initiatives. If CSOs can reunite and regain their strength, maybe they could negotiate with TNCs on a more equal footing. Perhaps UN members could once again become comfortable with the idea of strong states and non-hegemonic global governance. Key words: Global political ecology, Nation-state, earth system governance, UN architecture, UN agency, green economy, non-state actors, UNCED, Rio+20, Climate convention


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