scholarly journals THE IMPACT OF THE NATIONAL POLICY OF THE RUSSIAN EMPIRE ON THE POLISH POPULATION AND THE CATHOLIC CHURCH IN THE RIGHT-BANK UKRAINE IN THE LATE 18th — EARLY 20th CT.

2017 ◽  
Vol 0 (44) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ю. В. Хитровська
Keyword(s):  
Catholic Church ◽  
National Policy ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
Polish Population ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
The Right ◽  
The Impact ◽  
The Catholic Church

scholarly journals The Last Decades of the Existence of the Kaunas Bernardine Nuns (1842–1864)

2021 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-58
Author(s):  
Vaida Kamuntavičienė
Keyword(s):  
Catholic Church ◽  
Daily Life ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
Community Life ◽  
Holy Trinity ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
The Catholic Church

This article reveals the life of the Holy Trinity Bernardine nuns in Kaunas (Kowno) in the years 1842 to 1864, the worsening situation at the convent due to the Russian occupying government’s policy, the actual closure of the convent, and the fate of the nuns after the closure of their home. The study aims to show how daily life at the convent affected the Russian administration’s decisions regarding its material provision and particular nuns living there, how they were affected by the closure of St George’s Bernardine Friary in Kaunas which used to be the main supporter of the Bernardine nuns, and relations between the Bernardine nuns and the bishop. The author analyses difficulties in community life and problems adhering to the constitution, and reveals the general mood of the nuns. The research is based on correspondence between the Bernardine nuns, the bishop and the convent visitator, memoirs, and material from visitations. This case study of the Kaunas Bernardine nuns helps us gain a better understanding of the situation of the Catholic Church in the Russian Empire.

Adam Stankevich, a historian of the Belarusian national movement in the Catholic Church and a catholic priest

2019 ◽  
pp. 254-269
Author(s):  
Yuriy Labyntsev
Keyword(s):  
Catholic Church ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
Catholic Priests ◽  
Catholic Priest ◽  
Soviet Leadership ◽  
National Movement ◽  
Leading Position ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
Roman Catholics ◽  
The Catholic Church

At the beginning of the 20 th century in the Western provinces of the Russian Empire among the local Roman Catholics, the first convinced carriers of the Belarusian national idea appeared. Among the most active was the catholic priest Adam Stankevich (1891-1949), a graduate of the Catholic Seminary in Vilna and the Catholic Academy in Petrograd. In the future, he not only took a leading position in the Belarusian national movement, but also be- came an outstanding historiographer of this movement. In 1919, Stankevich settled in Vilna. In 1910-1930, he was active in social, political, scientific, literary and publicistic activities. Stankevich is the initiator of defending the rights of Belarusians to their own national participation in the life of the Catholic Church, to the official introduction of the Belarusian language. He considers the Belarusian people to be divided in political, state, and religious sense. Stankevich believes that the lands of Western Belarus were seized by the new Polish state, formed in 1918. Stankevich continues for many years the struggle for the revival of the Belarusian national identity among Belarusian Catholics. In the early twentieth century, he and the fu- ture Belarusian catholic priests were also helped by the actions of various Orthodox communities and Imperial authorities. In the middle of 1940, Stankevich tried to convince the Soviet leadership of the need to “create the independent Belarusian Catholic Church in the BSSR”. The four-year talks with the authorities have proved useless. Adam Stankevich was accused of anti-Soviet activities. In 1949, he was sent to a camp, where he soon died.

scholarly journals THE «POLISH QUESTION» IN THE POLITICS OF RUSSIAN TSARISM ON THE RIGHT-BANK OF UKRAINE (LATE 18TH - MIDDLE 19TH CENTURY)

2018 ◽  
pp. 168-182
Author(s):  
Юрій Миколайович Поліщук
Keyword(s):  
Land Tenure ◽  
Blow Up ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
Polish Population ◽  
Polish Question ◽  
Political Clout ◽  
Tax Regimes ◽  
Legislative Framework ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
The Right

Annotation: In the article, taking into account the achievements of Ukrainian and foreign historiography, the results of the research of the policy of Russian tsarism concerning the Polish population of the Right-Bank Ukraine since the annexation of the land to the Russian Empire and the Polish uprising of 1863 - 1864 were presented.It is established that in the late XVIII century on the territory of the Right-Bank Ukraine lived icon is the number of poles, which the vast majority belonged to the nobility which has been characterized by economic and social equality. However, all of them were Polish patriots. The Poles in the region were the second largest after the Ukrainians. They occupied a dominant position in both economic and political and cultural life. Therefore, immediately after the annexation of the region, "the Polish question" became a priority problem of the Russian tsars. Because the Empire was desperately needed to blow up on the Right Bank of Ukraine, the economic position of the Polish nobility, to eliminate its political clout, cultural opportunities, and to destroy even the memory of the existence of the Polish state.The author distinguishes five periods of activity of the institutes of state administration of the Russian Empire in the ethnopolitical space of the Right Bank Ukraine and analyzes three of them that fall into the chronological boundaries of this study. In particular, the steps taken by St. Petersburg to limit the access of the Poles to the authorities of the province, and to reduce the economic potential by reducing their land tenure have been analyzed. On the basis of the analysis of the legislative framework, the steps of the Russian tsarist regime have been defined for the transfer of the vast majority of the Polish gentry to tax regimes, the attraction of the Russian population to the right bank of the Russian Federation and an increase in its land tenure at the expense of the lands of the Polish nobility. It was established that the result of such a policy was the practice of leaving a part of the Polish elite of the territory of the Right-bank Ukraine. As a rule, they were representatives of the gentry, who did not abandon the idea of restoration of the Polish state. All this led to a decrease in the number of Polish population in the region. However, as evidenced by further events, the spirit of Poles failed to break. A large part of them supported a new uprising against the rule of the Russian Empire.

Defining ‘Lithuanian’

2015 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 309-326
Author(s):  
Aurelija Tamošiūnaitė
Keyword(s):  
Catholic Church ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
Linguistic Ideologies ◽  
Imperial Authority ◽  
Discursive Analysis ◽  
Latin Script ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
Media Discourses ◽  
The Catholic Church

After the 1863 uprising, in order to diminish Polish influence over Lithuanians, the authorities of the Russian Empire banned the use of Latin letters for Lithuanian texts and implemented the Cyrillic script. The article discusses the linguistic ideologies that underlay this orthographic reform for Lithuanian. The study provides a discursive analysis of opposing accounts expressed in contemporary administrative and media discourses by the key supporters and opponents of the reform. Competing discourses regarding the use of Cyrillic vs. Latin for Lithuanian contested, shaped, and defined the ideological meanings of these scripts: Cyrillic was symbolically linked to Russification, Russianness, Orthodoxy, and Imperial authority, while the Latin script was associated with Polonization, Polishness, the Catholic Church, and anti-imperial resistance. The competing discourses regarding the alphabet change for Lithuanian, via its differentiation from the imposed Cyrillic as well as from the Latin-Polish writing tradition, helped to shape and define the notion of a modern Lithuanian alphabet.

scholarly journals LEGAL POLICY OF THE RUSSIAN EMPIRE RELATING TO THE ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH IN THE UKRAINIAN PROVINCES AT THE END OF XVIII – THE FIRST HALF OF ХIХ CENTURY

2019 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Catholic Church ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
Russian Orthodox ◽  
Orthodox Church ◽  
Russian Orthodox Church ◽  
Legal Policy ◽  
Starting Point ◽  
The Future ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
The Catholic Church

The article is devoted to the study of the tsarist legal policy aimed at limiting the influence of the Catholic Church on the population of Ukrainian lands and strengthening the position of the Russian Orthodox Church, which supported the autocracy. Attention is drawn to the fact that the starting point in the legislative restriction of the rights of Catholics was in 1794, when Catherine II issued an order declaring Orthodoxy de facto proclaimed state religion. In the summer of 1796 the local authorities obliged the clergy of the Catholic Church to swear allegiance to the Russian Empire. A number of measures were taken to limit the land holdings of Catholic monasteries. It was noted that in a number of royal decrees, the organizational foundations of the management of church establishments, the authority of the archbishop and bishops, monastic overlords, and ordinary monks were regulated in detail. Freedom of movement was restricted for Catholic monks. They were strictly forbidden not only to move from one diocese to another, but also to leave one temporarily without extreme monastic necessity and only with the personal permission of the bishop. The priests were strictly forbidden from touching the sermon on political issues, especially those concerning the Russian government. It is emphasized that during the late 18th - first half of the 20th century. the imperial government has shown a constant desire to limit to a maximum the influence of the Catholic Church on the population of Ukrainian lands, especially those where its supporters made up a large percentage. At the same time, the authorities were not too concerned with the freedom of religion of those subjects whose religious views were different from the official Orthodox ideology of the state. For Tsar, the expediency of Russification consisted in its conformity with the task of ensuring national-state security in its imperial sense. For autocracy, the Catholic denominators saw such a force that could pose a potential threat by distracting from the Orthodox Church those who had once departed from Catholicism, which could give rise in the future to unrest, primarily among the population of the Right Bank. This is, to a large extent, the explanation of the tsarist policy aimed at strengthening the position of the Russian Orthodox Church, which was the pillar of the autocracy, and in the future - to create a mono-religious space in the whole territory of Ukraine.

scholarly journals Censorship in Lithuania: A Tool of Russian Policy; 1831–1865

2002 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 43-66
Author(s):  
Zita Medišauskienė
Keyword(s):  
Catholic Church ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
General Context ◽  
Religious Tolerance ◽  
Local Policy ◽  
Local Conditions ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
Northwest Province ◽  
The Catholic Church

This paper deals with the specificities of Russia’s policy of censorship conducted in the Northwest Province by the Vilnius Censorship Committee between 1831 and 1865. In the general context of the Province an attempt is made to give answers to the questions: (1) by whom and in what way the attitudes of the censors of Vilnius were regulated with respect to the Lithuanian and Polish press ‘under local conditions’ and (2) what requirements of the Censorship Committee were caused ‘by local conditions’ and by the implementation of Russia’s policy in the Northwest Province. The study is based on official documents, censorial lawsuits, and the censored manuscripts. It is maintained that the opinion and initiative of the governor general of Vilnius were crucial in formulating the ‘local’ policy of censoring. The principal aim of the censorial activity was to ensure the integrity of the Russian Empire by preventing the spread of disintegrational anti-Russian ideas and those of propagating the independence of Poland and ‘Polish patriotism’. Attempts were also made to weaken the influence of the Catholic Church, in particular among the peasantry and to create conditions favouring both religious tolerance and the dissemination of Orthodoxy.

scholarly journals History of the Ukrainian language at the beginning of the XX century: the educational dimension

2021 ◽  
pp. 50-67
Author(s):  
Tetiana Vydaichuk
Keyword(s):  
National Policy ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
University Education ◽  
Educational Institutions ◽  
Archival Documents ◽  
Language Courses ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
The Right ◽  
Fresh Impetus

Background. The article aims at establishing the ideological, political, national, educational, and scientific processes which contributed to establishing the Ukrainian language in all spheres of usage and fostered its functional-stylistic development. The paper centers around the language socioleme, that is the history of Ukrainian speakers, readers, and writers, language researchers and those who fought for the right of Ukrainian to be the language of education and the subject of scientific study.Purpose. The article aims at highlighting the struggle for the rights of the Ukrainian language in 1905–1917, as well as some aspects of the Russian Empire language policy as regards university education in Dnieper Ukraine. The research material comprises the ideas of the then scholars and public figures, which appeared in the media at the time (predominantly in the Rada newspaper), archival documents, and gendarme papers.Methods. The article relies primarily on the descriptive method, coupled with elements of the contrastive method and the biographical analysis.Results. The struggle for the Ukrainian language rights in the realm of education began with the demand to establish native language courses at private educational institutions and an extensive Kharkiv and Odesa student campaign for the right to take courses in Ukrainian Studies. Fresh impetus was provided by Kyiv St. Volodymyr University students’ address to the academic council, appealing for the establishment of Departments of Ukrainian Studies. The Imperial University administration did not support the student initiative, which triggered a widespread debate in public and academic circles in Ukraine at the time.Discussion. Generally, up to 1917–1920 (the age of the Ukrainian Revolution) universities and other educational institutions featured no systematic annual academic courses in the Ukrainian language, its dialectal variation, or its history. At the time, Ukrainian did not function as the language of education and science in Dnieper Ukraine, nor was it an object of rigorous academic study. The Russian Empire language and national policy remained anti-Ukrainian, in disregard of the liberties declared in 1905.

Reasons for the Onset of the Uniat Clergy’s Movement Towards Orthodoxy in the Russian Empire in the Beginning of the 19th Century

2020 ◽  
Vol 58 ◽  
pp. 293-317
Author(s):  
Protopriest Alexander Romanchuk
Keyword(s):  
19Th Century ◽  
Government Policy ◽  
Catholic Church ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
Latin Church ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
In The Beginning ◽  
Church Service ◽  
The 19Th Century

The article studies the system of pre-conditions that caused the onset of the uniat clergy’s movement towards Orthodoxy in the Russian Empire in the beginning of the 19th century. The author comes to the conclusion that the tendency of the uniat clergy going back to Orthodoxy was the result of certain historic conditions, such as: 1) constant changes in the government policy during the reign of Emperor Pavel I and Emperor Alexander I; 2) increasing latinization of the uniat church service after 1797 and Latin proselytism that were the result of the distrust of the uniats on the part of Roman curia and representatives of Polish Catholic Church of Latin church service; 3) ecclesiastical contradictions made at the Brest Church Union conclusion; 4) division of the uniat clergy into discordant groups and the increase of their opposition to each other on the issue of latinization in the first decades of the 19th century. The combination of those conditions was a unique phenomenon that never repeated itself anywhere.

scholarly journals Sytuacja Kościoła katolickiego w Królestwie Polskim po Rewolucji 1905 r.

2005 ◽  
Vol 48 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 157-184
Author(s):  
Witold Jemielity
Keyword(s):  
Catholic Church ◽  
Church History ◽  
Russian Language ◽  
Political Freedom ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Church Building ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
New Situation ◽  
The Catholic Church

Three periods could be observed in the Congress Kingdom of Poland considerable political freedom until November uprising, severe restrictions for the citizens after 1831, and unification with the Russian Empire after January uprising. During each of these periods the Catholic Church experienced new situation, however the second half of the century happened to be the hardest. 1905 was the turning-point in tsar’s policy in which political situation in the country had considerable contribution. The government made two important concessions: both languages Russian and Polish could be used as official ones, and, on 17/30 of April the so called tolerant ukase was issued that concerned religious matters. The Catholic Church in the Congress Kingdom of Poland gained more freedom. The Author of the following work showed this in the separate fields of work connected with ministering to a parish such as: keeping files of records, priests’ dwellings, appointing and moving priests, bishop’s inspections, church processions, parish indulgences, change of the parish boundaries, church building, retreats and Congregations of the clergy, the Pope’s jubilee, contacts with Rome, convents, Greek Catholics, wayside crosses, Russian language in church institutions, religion lessons at schools, voting to the Russian Parliament, the tsar and social matters. The Author has been dealing with the problem of Church history in the Congress Kingdom of Poland for many years. The present work summarizes the settlements the author has obtained hitherto and especially pays attention to changes that occurred after the year 1905.

scholarly journals Female labor applying by the Maritime Ministry of the Russian Empire at the turn of the 19th - 20th centuries

2019 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 355-373
Author(s):  
Irina V Sinova
Keyword(s):  
Public Service ◽  
Equal Opportunity ◽  
Objective Assessment ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
Periodical Press ◽  
The Public ◽  
Russian State ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
The Impact

The article deals with the issues related to the evolution of the use of women in the civil service at the turn of the 19th - 20th centuries on the example of the Maritime Ministry on the basis of previously unpublished documents stored in the Russian state archive of the Navy and periodical press materials. The study of gender issues can be of scientific interest on the basis of its documents, as practically not in demand in research related to the women’s issue. As a result of the struggle of the public, there were some concessions on the part of the authorities related to the expansion of women’s access to fill certain positions in a number of areas that experienced a lack of certain qualifications, including public service, in the conditions of intensive bourgeois development. The article analyzes the legal acts regulating the work of women, especially in the public service. it is shown how the changes that took place in the Russian Empire influenced the transformation of the socio-economic situation of women in General, and, also, became a reflection of the social policy of the state. The article reveals the attitude of the heads of departments of the Ministry to the admission of women to the public service, as well as their opinion on the degree of necessity for the service itself in attracting women to it. The article deals with the arguments of men - heads of departments of the Ministry, related to the impact of women’s work on home life, on the family and on itself, which differed largely by philistine assessments, rather than progressive views. In fact, on the part of the authorities, concessions to women were more imaginary and forced than the result of an objective assessment of their equal opportunity to serve in the public system.

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