scholarly journals Albania Between the Crisis of the Parliamentary Dialectic and the Dominant Role of the Government

2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 43
Author(s):  
Sokol Pacukaj ◽  
Renata Tokrri
Keyword(s):  
Dominant Role ◽  
Historical Memory ◽  
Executive Power ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Considerable Controversy ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government ◽  
Head Of Government

The last years of Albanian parliamentary life were marked by a profound crisis. The parliament, not only had the task of managing a constitutional reform that brought the entire judicial system to its knees, transforming the vetting process into a reform with uncertain results, but also the political crisis, or rather the political-institutional stalemate for leaving the mandates of opposition parliamentarians.The failure to reach the quorum provided by the Constitution of the Republic of Albania, it raises considerable controversy over the legitimacy of the supreme authority and therefore on the legitimacy of institutions that depend on parliamentary votes, such as the election of constitutional judges. At the same time, when the "united opposition" left parliament, the new opposition was trying to keep up with parliamentary dialectics. Moreover, in recent years of parliamentary "identity crisis", the majority have resembled a "group of soldiers" under the command of the Prime Minister. Clearly, Parliament has weakened, lost its value, leading to a strengthening of the executive power, more precisely a strengthening of the figure of the head of government. Without a doubt, the crisis of Parliament translates into an inability of the people's representatives to solve the problems that are present in civil society. Consequently, the crisis of Parliament means a "silent people", a "mute people".The purpose of this document is the constitutional-philosophical analysis of historical memory of the role of Parliament in Albania from the Declaration of Independence to the present day. Perhaps historical memory is the key to reading the present and to better understand the crisis that Albanian Parliament has been going through in recent years.   Received: 4 March 2021 / Accepted: 6 May 2021 / Published: 8 July 2021

Land Reform in Zimbabwe: a Balance of Political Expediency and Economic Inevitability?

2020 ◽  
pp. 14-29
Author(s):  
Lyubov Prokopenko
Keyword(s):  
Land Reform ◽  
Union Leader ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
African Region ◽  
Political Aspect ◽  
National Union ◽  
Reform Program ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government

The article considers the political aspect of land reform in the Republic of Zimbabwe. The problem of land reform has been one of the crucial ones in the history of this African country, which celebrated 40 years of independence on April 18, 2020. In recent decades, it has been constantly in the spotlight of political and electoral processes. The land issue was one of the key points of the political program from the very beginning of Robert Mugabe’s reign in 1980. The political aspect of land reform began to manifest itself clearly with the growth of the opposition movement in the late 1990s. In 2000–2002 the country implemented the Fast Track Land Reform Program (FTLRP), the essence of which was the compulsory acquisition of land from white owners without compensation. The expropriation of white farmers’ lands in the 2000s led to a serious reconfiguration of land ownership, which helped to maintain in power the ruling party, the African National Union of Zimbabwe – Patriotic Front (ZANU – PF). The government was carrying out its land reform in the context of a sharp confrontation with the opposition, especially with the Party for the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), led by trade union leader Morgan Tsvangirai. The land issue was on the agenda of all the election campaigns (including the elections in July 2018); this fact denotes its politicization, hence the timeliness of this article. The economic and political crisis in Zimbabwe in the 2000–2010s was the most noticeable phenomenon in the South African region. The analysis of foreign and domestic sources allows us to conclude that the accelerated land reform served as one of its main triggers. The practical steps of the new Zimbabwean president, Mr. Emmerson Mnangagwa, indicate that he is aware of the importance of resolving land reform-related issues for further economic recovery. At the beginning of March 2020, the government adopted new regulations defining the conditions for compensation to farmers. On April 18, 2020, speaking on the occasion of the 40th anniversary of the independence of Zimbabwe, Mr. E. Mnangagwa stated that the land reform program remains the cornerstone of the country’s independence and sovereignty.

scholarly journals PERANAN BANGSAWAN BONE DALAM SISTEM PEMERINTAHAN DARI SWAPRAJA KE KABUPATEN (The Role of Bone Nobleman in The Government System from Swapraja to Regency)

2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 135-151
Author(s):  
Risma Widiawati
Keyword(s):  
Political Development ◽  
The Political ◽  
Holding Power ◽  
South Sulawesi ◽  
The People ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Government ◽  
Head Of Government ◽  
Interesting Area

Bone Regency as part of South Sulawesi is a very interesting area to discuss. This area is not only part of the history of South Sulawesi, but also a historical flow of South Sulawesi. the existence of nobles who are so attached to the joints of the lives of the people of Bone is still interesting to be examined to this day. Based on this, the article aims to reveal the role of Bone nobility in the swapraja government system to the regency (1950 - 1960). The political development of the government during this period was seen as sufficiently influencing the political dynamics of the government in Bone Regency which continued even today. The method used is the method of historical research with four stages, namely, heuristics, criticism (history), interpretation, and presentation (historiography). The results of the study show that after the transition from swapraja to regency, the role of nobility is still very calculated. But it is no longer like in the period before the transition, where the government was ruled by the king / aristocracy. At this time the level of intelligence is also taken into account. Apart from the fact that the structure of the government is indeed different because the process of appointing head of government is also different. But in general the role of nobility after the transition was not much different, where there were still many nobles holding power. ABSTRAK Kabupaten Bone sebagai bahagian dari Sulawesi Selatan merupakan suatu daerah yang sangat menarik untuk dibicarakan. Daerah ini bukan saja merupakan bagian dari sejarah Sulawesi Selatan, tetapi juga merupakan arus sejarah Sulawesi Selatan. keberadaan bangsawan yang begitu melekat di dalam sendi kehidupan masyarakat Bone masih menarik untuk ditelisik sampai hari ini. Berdasarkan hal tersebut, maka artikel ini bertujuan untuk mengungkapkan tentang peranan bangsawan Bone dalam sistem pemerintahan swapraja ke kabupaten (1950 – 1960). Perkembangan politik dari pemerintahan selama periode ini dipandang cukup mempengaruhi dinamika politik dari pemerintahan di Kabupaten Bone yang berlangsung bahkan sampai sekarang. Metode yang digunakan adalah adalah metode penelitian sejarah dengan empat tahapan yaitu, heuristik, kritik (sejarah), intrepretasi, dan penyajian (historiografi). Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa setelah peralihan dari swapraja ke kabupaten, peranan bangsawan masih sangat diperhitungkan. Namun tidak lagi seperti pada masa sebelum peralihan, di mana pemerintahan dikuasai oleh raja/aristokrasi. Pada masa ini tingkat kecerdasan juga diperhitungkan. Selain karena struktur pemerintahannya memang berbeda juga karena proses pengangkatan kepala pemerintahan juga berbeda. Namun secara umum peran bangsawan setelah masa peralihan tidak jauh berbeda, di mana masih banyak bangsawan yang memegang kekuasaan.

scholarly journals The Role of the President in the Context of the Political Changes in Slovakia

2014 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 75-87 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Horváth
Keyword(s):  
Political Development ◽  
Slovak Republic ◽  
Executive Power ◽  
The Political ◽  
Constitutional Order ◽  
Direct Election ◽  
Head Of State ◽  
Political Background ◽  
The Government

Abstract The aim of the article is to introduce a number of determinants that influence the activities of the office of the President of the Slovak Republic. They caused numerous transformations, which were implemented into our constitutional order over the time. The relations between president and government within the executive power is the most common theme of amendments to the Constitution of the Slovak Republic. Even the introduction of the institute of direct election for the head of state in 1999 arose as the result of strained relations between the same power entities. Therefore, there is a clear tendency that only if both components of the executive power come from the same political background, they carry out their activities in a positive way. This statement can be demonstrated by the political development in Slovakia after the year 2010 - throughout the government of Iveta Radičová, as well as Robert Fico.

scholarly journals Tecnocrazia e politica in Italia dalla crisi del 1907 al Primo Dopoguerra = Technocracy and political crisis in Italy from 1907 till the early after World War

2016 ◽  
pp. 43
Author(s):  
Marcello Benegiamo ◽  
Paola Nardone
Keyword(s):  
Raw Materials ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
World War ◽  
Political Class ◽  
The Caucasus ◽  
Global Recession ◽  
The Government ◽  
Industrial Crisis

<p>Uscito a pezzi dalla pesante crisi finanziaria e industriale del 1907, che aveva messo a nudo i limiti della struttura economica del Paese, il capitalismo industriale italiano elaborò un programma, portato avanti fino al primo dopoguerra, che prevedeva l’instaurazione di un governo di tecnocrati. Questo avrebbe dovuto trainare il Paese fuori dalla crisi, pianificarne l’economia e trasformarlo in una grande potenza industriale, con forti connotazioni imperialistiche. Segnali in tale direzione si erano registrati anche nei decenni precedenti, tra fine Ottocento e inizi Novecento, quando ebbe inizio un processo di concentrazione nel settore siderurgico e meccanico. Un percorso peraltro stimolato dalle commesse statali sempre più consistenti (Galli Della Loggia, 1970; Battilossi, 1999; Amatori e Colli, 1999; Bolchini, 2002). La crisi industriale e finanziaria del 1907 e la recessione a livello mondiale che ne seguì, accelerarono la soluzione tecnocratica, che prevedeva un’alleanza, più o meno stretta, con una parte della classe politica e l’entrata in guerra. Negli anni immediatamente seguenti il conflitto, il potere dei tecnocrati sulla scena politica italiana sembrò accrescersi notevolmente, soprattutto quando il governo progettò un programma di espansione economica nelle regioni del Caucaso, nei Balcani e nel Levante ex ottomano, territori in grado di fornire materie prime e di assorbire la produzione italiana in eccesso rispetto alle richieste di un mercato interno asfittico. La collaborazione tra mondo imprenditoriale, bancario e politico non produsse il risultato sperato. La caduta del governo Nitti e il ruolo destabilizzante e filotedesco della Banca Commerciale Italiana nell’Est europeo e nel Caucaso furono tra le cause principali che impedirono il decollo del progetto tecnocratico,<strong> </strong>provocando una dura reazione da parte dei fratelli Perrone alla guida del gruppo Ansaldo.</p><p>Heavily Weakened by the financial and industrial crisis of 1907, which showed all the limits of the economic structure of Italy, the Italian industrial capitalism developed a program that continued until the early after World War, which was taking into account the establishment of a government of technocrats.</p><p>This should had to take the country out of crisis, establish an economical plan and turn it into a major industrial power, with strong imperialist characteristics.  Signals in this direction were also recorded in the previous decades, from the late nineteenth and early twentieth century, when a process of concentration of the main groups of entrepreneurs and capitalists began in the steel and mechanical industry. A path anyway enhanced by more and more orders from the government (Galli Della Loggia, 1970; Battilossi, 1999; Amatori and Colli, 1999; Boldrini, 2002). The industrial and financial crisis of 1907 and the global recession that followed, accelerated the technocratic solution, which were looking for a more or less closer alliance, with a part of the political class and going into war. Soon after the war, the political power of the technocrats in Italy seemed to grow significantly, especially when the Government developed a program of economic expansion in the regions of the Caucasus, Balkans and on the countries of the ex East Ottoman, these territories could provide raw materials and, with respect of an internal market completely saturated, to absorb the exceeding Italian production. The collaboration within the world of business, banking and politics did not produce the desired result. The fall of the Nitti´s Government and the pro German and destabilizing role of the Italian Commercial Bank in Eastern Europe and on the Caucasus were the major drivers against the launch of the technocratic project, inducing a though reaction by the Perrone brothers leading the group Ansaldo.</p>

scholarly journals THE ROLE OF ULAMA AND MUSLIMS IN STRENGTHENING NATIONAL UNION OF THE REPUBLIC OF INDONESIA (The Government of the Republic of Indonesia)

CosmoGov ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 127
Author(s):  
Taufiqurokhman
Keyword(s):  
Scientific Paper ◽  
The Political ◽  
Central Position ◽  
Small Community ◽  
National Union ◽  
Track Record ◽  
Library Research ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government

The Indonesian government with the central position of power in Java and the form of the Government of the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia (NKRI), the spread of Islam in the Land of Java in the framework of NKRI Government implemented by the scholars of Indonesia especially the spread of Islam carried out widely with the appearance of Wali Songo in Java. The presence of the scholars by giving his dakwah to the wider community, and the state of Indonesia is the largest adherents of Islam. At the end of 2014 came the figure of President Jokowi is quite phenomenal and assume the role of President Jokowi many do the ways of Islamic da'wah as did the scholars and guardians songo. Namely break through the customs of feudalism culture, like done by the scholars and guardian songo who plunge into the community perform da'wah. Judging from the track record of the political journey Jokowi Government which he lived withblusukan leadership model, which is closer to the small community, has led Jokowi in the highest seat of leadership, namely the president of the VII of the Republic of Indonesia. Therefore, this scientific paper, will explore and analyze the role of ulama in strengthening the government of the Republic of Indonesia, which is commanded by President Jokowi, the president of Indonesia to VII, So that can be seen how far the alignment of scholars and Muslims in Indonesia. Questions in the formulation of the problem in this writing is the role of scholars and Muslims in the Government of NKRI. Type of research used to answer these questions is the type of library research (library research), with the nature of descriptive analytic research with socio-political approach. Data obtained from journal books, laws, documentation, research reports and other sources relevant to the studied discussion. After all the data collected, then the next step is to analyze the data with explorative deductive analysis, that is how the political behavior of President Joko Widodo in his role against Muslims led by the scholars in Indonesia. After conducting a study of the data, this study drew the conclusion of a leader's social behavior affecting the government of his dreams. As in the case studied in this study, it was found that the role of scholars and Muslims has a strong influence to strengthen the government of the Unitary Republic of Indonesia.

The Republic after Berlusconi: Some reflections on historiography, politics and the political use of history in post-1994 Italy

Modern Italy ◽  
2010 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 77-92 ◽  
Author(s):  
Giovanni Orsina
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Political System ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Dynamics ◽  
First Republic ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Impact

The Italian political crisis of 1993–1994 and the new political dynamics to which it gave rise, and which persist today, have strongly shaped both public debate and historiographical reflection on the Italian Republic. This article assesses the impact of the political changes of the post-1994 period (and notably Berlusconi's entry into politics) on the debate over the so-called First Republic, with regard to: Italian national identity in the post-Fascist period; the functioning of the political system, especially in relation to the role of the political parties; anti-Fascism and its internal divisions; communism and anti-communism.

scholarly journals Policy Communication and the Solidity of the Jokowi's Second Term Coalition in Handling Covid-19

2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 257-268
Author(s):  
Ferdinand Eskol Tiar Sirait
Keyword(s):  
Implementation Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Power Dynamics ◽  
Literature Study ◽  
Political Interests ◽  
The Government ◽  
Communication Approach ◽  
Head Of Government ◽  
The Impact

Abstract: The impact of the Covid-19 pandemic, which has had a major impact on people's lives, has prompted the president and his cabinet members to respond with various policy stimuli. This study wants to see the solidity of the president's assistants in responding to President Jokowi's general policies in dealing with the Covid-19 pandemic and analyze the causes of the ineffectiveness of policies taken with an applied communication approach the policy field. By using the literature study method, this research finds that the implementation of policies made by the president's assistants is not in line with the wishes of the president as the Head of Government. This is probably due to the political power dynamics contained in the Jokowi's second term coalition members. In addition, the interests of coalition members may impact the process and decision-making of a policy. The results of this study recommend that the government strengthen the role of the structure in charge of managing and ensuring that the policies taken by the president's assistants in handling Covid-19 are in line with the president's wishes. Furthermore, it is necessary to communicate the policy to all stakeholders involved in the policy process so that the policies taken in handling Covid-19 do not represent the political interests of coalition members. In addition, to maintain the solidity of the coalition cabinet in handling Covid-19, the positions of cabinet members involved in the policy implementation process must submit to the power of the President as Head of Government.

scholarly journals Russia’s reaction to the revolution in Belarus

2021 ◽  
pp. 44-59
Author(s):  
A. Suzdaltsev
Keyword(s):  
Presidential Elections ◽  
Political Stability ◽  
Presidential Campaign ◽  
Constitutional Reform ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Key Drivers ◽  
The Republic

The article analyzes the role of the Russian policy, President and Ministry of Foreign Affairs in trying to find a way out of the Belarusian political crisis and to preserve the political stability in the Republic of Belarus. The key drivers for the protest voting during the August 9, 2020 presidential elections are analyzed, as well as the role of Russia-Belarus integration as a factor influencing attitudes of the Belarusian electorate. Moscow’s reaction to the anti-Russian presidential campaign of Alexander Lukashenko and reasons why Russia recognized the results of voting on 9 August 2020 are explored. Efforts by Russian authorities to promote the constitutional reform in Belarus are addressed. The article also analyses a specter of views of the Russian researchers on the Belarus-Russia relations.

scholarly journals Russian Recognition of Macedonia’s New Name

2021 ◽  
Vol 107 (7) ◽  
pp. 105-114
Author(s):  
Maria Tretyakova ◽  
Keyword(s):  
International Law ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Republic Of Macedonia ◽  
New Name ◽  
Un Security Council ◽  
The Will ◽  
The Republic

The senseless name dispute and the renaming of the constitutional name of the Republic of Macedonia, which was perceived by the Western countries as a «technical obstacle» to the country's NATO and EU accession, was in fact a part of the Macedonian southern neighbor’s long-term plan to erase the Macedonian identity by violating the Macedonian people's right to national self-determination. Since, any change in the name of a country automatically entailed consequences for the national and cultural identity of the Macedonians - the titular people of the country. Russian diplomacy closely followed the events in the country and thoroughly knew the essence of the political crisis that began in 2015 which eventually ended with the renaming of the country against the will of the Macedonian people. The Russian decision to retreat from the intention to challenge the Prespa agreement in the UN Security Council as contradictory to the international law and violating Macedonian 1991 Constitution questioned the role of the Russian diplomacy in upholding the principles and norms of the rule of international law in the world. The subsequent recognition of Macedonia’s new name by Russia forced many in the Republic of Macedonia to include Russia, an indisputable fighter for justice in a multipolar world, in the list of countries involved in the national “depersonalization” of Macedonia, which appeared on the political map of Europe as a result of the anti-fascist liberation movement of the Macedonian people.

scholarly journals GEOPOLITICAL DIFFERENCES AS A FACTOR IN THE RELATIONS BETWEEN POLAND AND RUSSIA (1994–2004)

2020 ◽  
Vol 33 ◽  
pp. 177-193
Author(s):  
Oleh PIH
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
21St Century ◽  
Russian Federation ◽  
Historical Memory ◽  
The United States ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Economic Relations ◽  
The Russian Federation ◽  
The Republic

The article highlights the political relations between the Republic of Poland and the Russian Federation in the second half of the 1990s and the first five years of the 21st century. An analysis of the foreign policy relations between the two countries during this period affirms that their dialogue was mainly conflicting due to different visions of the geopolitical situation and forming a security system in the Central and Eastern Europe region. Fearing the restoration of Russian dominance in the former socialist camp, Poland sought to join Euro-Atlantic and European Union's structures. At the same time, Russia assessed the process of NATO enlargement, which Warsaw actively support, as a threat to its national interests. These two positions led to a permanent worsening of bilateral relations. The Kremlin also aimed to resolve all controversial issues through relations with the United States and Western countries, not perceiving Poland as an equal partner. It has been found out that the Polish authorities were considering the possibility of establishing relations with Russia through the development of trade and economic relations and solving problems in the field of historical memory. Significant changes for warming in relations appeared when Russian President Vladimir Putin proclaimed the course of Europeanization of the Russian Federation and its rapprochement with Euro-Atlantic structures in the first years of the 21st century. However, a new factor in the worsening of relations was the political struggle between Warsaw and Moscow to influence Ukraine and Belarus. In particular, the Orange Revolution events showed the significant involvement of both countries in Ukraine's processes and the desire to gain a dominant influence in resolving the political crisis. At the same time, the victory of the Polish-backed forces meant a geopolitical defeat for the Kremlin and thus created a serious conflict in bilateral communication. Keywords: Republic of Poland, Russian Federation, NATO, foreign policy, geopolitics.

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