scholarly journals Práticas religiosas populares na Passio Sanctorum Perpetuae et Felicitatis: entre sonhos oraculares e visões apocalípticas

Author(s):  
Paulo Augusto de Souza Nogueira ◽  
Denilson Da Silva Matos

Neste artigo propomos uma análise de práticas religiosas populares na Passio Sanctorum Perpetuae et Felicitatis, que narra a história da prisão e execução de um grupo de cristãos em Cartago, norte da África, na virada do segundo para o terceiro século da era cristã (202-204 d.C) durante o reinado do imperador Séptimus Severus. Destacamos relatos que aproximam as práticas dos mártires às práticas religiosas de subalternos, com destaque para práticas consolidadas no âmbito da religião do povo, a saber, a consulta a sonhos e oráculos de diversos tipos, com a finalidade de administrar conflitos e a escassez de recursos, bem como a preparação de amuletos.In this paper we propose an analysis of popular religious practices in the Passio Sanctorum Perpetuae et Felicitatis, which tells the story of the imprisonment and execution of a group of Christians in Carthage, North Africa, at the turn of the second to the third century of the Christian era (202- 204 AD) during the reign of Emperor Septimus Severus. We highlight reports that approximate the practices of the martyrs to the religious practices of subalterns, with emphasis on practices consolidated within the scope of the religion of the people, namely the consultation of dreams and oracles of various types, with the purpose of managing conflicts and the scarcity of resources, as well as the preparation of amulets.

2019 ◽  
Vol 37 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-24
Author(s):  
Katarzyna Balbuza

Abstract Liberalitas was one of the most important forms of social activities of the Roman emperors. In quantitative terms, it is also one of the five most important imperial virtues. It appeared on coins as Liberalitas Augusti, which gave this virtue an additional, divine dimension. The first Empress to depict the idea of imperial generosity on the coins issued on her behalf was Julia Domna. In this respect, her liberalitas coins mark a breakthrough in the exposition of this imperial virtue. The well-known female liberalitas coin issues, or imperial issues with empresses’ portraits, date back to the third century and clearly articulate the liberalitas, both iconographically and literally, through the legend on the reverse of the coin. Other coins, issued on behalf of the emperors (mainly medallions), accentuate in some cases (Julia Mamaea, Salonina) the personal and active participation of women from the imperial house in congiarium-type activities. The issues discussed and analysed, which appeared on behalf of the emperors or the imperial women – with a clear emphasis on the role of women – undoubtedly demonstrate the feminine support for the emperor’s social policy towards the people of Rome, including the various social undertakings of incumbent emperors, to whom they were related. They prove their active involvement and support for the image of the princeps created by the emperors through the propaganda of virtues (such as liberalitas). The dynastic policy of the emperors, in which the empresses played a key role, was also of considerable importance.


Author(s):  
Paul F. Bradshaw

The limited evidence for Christian initiation practices in Syria and North Africa in the third century suggests ritual patterns that differed from each other in some ways but followed the three-stage structure of rites of passage outlined by Arnold van Gennep, even if the first and third of the stages were relatively undeveloped at that time. The fourth century saw the elaboration of these together with the temporal contraction of the middle or liminal phase in the rites of Syria and Milan, as well as in the variant practice of the city of Jerusalem.


1965 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 19-37
Author(s):  
E. C. Ratcliff

It is well known that the old Syrian, or to give it a more comprehensive description, the old Eastern liturgical usage of Baptism differed markedly from that which obtained in the West. The most obvious difference is one of pattern, and appears in connection with the ceremony known to us as Confirmation. In Western usage, as we find it in North Africa, described by Tertullian at the beginning of the third century in his De Baptismo, the act of baptising is followed by two ceremonies. The first of these is an anointing with oil. Tertullian connects this anointing with that of Aaron by Moses, and ascribes to it an undefined spiritual benefit. The second ceremony is the last of the rite, and its culmination; it conveys, according to Tertullian, the gift of the Holy Spirit. ‘Dehinc,’ he says, ‘manus imponitur per benedictionem advocans et invitans spiritum sanctum. . . . Tunc ille sanctissimus spiritus super emundata et benedicta corpora libens a patre descendit.’ Shortly after the writing of De Baptismo, we meet with evidence for the existence of a similar rite at Rome. The text of Apostolic Tradition, as it has been put together from its several versions, requires to be treated with caution; but there is no doubt that Hippolytus knew a post-baptismal ceremony, comparable with the use of oil after the bath, and held to apply, ώς μύρῳ, the powers of the Holy Spirit, to those who have newly come up from the ‘bath’ (λουτρόν) of Baptism.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 57
Author(s):  
Fatimah Fatimah

<p><em>Hadith as the second Islamic teaching has a significant difference with the Qur'an in terms of official bookkeeping. In terms of the preservation of the Qur'an since the beginning of the Qur'an, there has been a decree to keep watch over and be protected from falsehood, but not with the Prophet's hadith. As before the reign of Caliph Umar bin Abdul Aziz even the writing or bookkeeping was prohibited. But after considering some of the impending advances if the hadith was not made up of books, the false hadiths would have arisen from irresponsible people, the death of the companions who had memorized the war, and dispersed the scholars to various territories with their death. Moreover, hadith memorization has become a tradition among the people and the fear of memorization has decreased. It was from these questions that the caliphate of Umar bin Abdul Aziz raised concerns about the bookkeeping in order to preserve and maintain its legitimacy. The official formulation of the hadith dates back to the second century H. under the command of Umar bin Abdul Aziz. Hadith as a teaching of Islam, produced various books of hadith scholars who were born mutaqaddimin and endowed. However in this article the author will focus more on the development of the books of the hadith in the mutaqaddimin period. The period of mutaqaddimin is the period between I H and the third century H, the opening of the hadith of the mutaqaddimin period from the end of the second century H to III H. In this period of mutaqaddimin the books of the hadith were born by the scholars including: first, the century to II H there are many scholars who produce the book of the hadith, among them the most famous is the book of hadith of the priest of Malik called the book of Muwaththa 'Malik. Secondly, in the third century </em><em>H</em><em> the books of the hadith were born including the Book of Sahih Bukhari, the Book of Muslim Tradition, the Book of Sunan Abu Dawud, the Book of Sunan At-Tirmidzi, the Book of Sunan An-Nasa'iy, the Book of Sunan Ibn Majah and others. The writing of this journal uses the library research method that the author has obtained from various reading sources related to this research.</em><strong><em></em></strong></p>


1933 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 67-77 ◽  
Author(s):  
George Thomas Oborn

Severe economic depression had the Roman world in its grip during the middle of the third century A. D.; a condition from which the Mediterranean countries never fully recovered. There is much evidence to show that the economic structure of the Empire was crumbling. Very soon the outlying territories of the Empire were overrun by barbarians, trade collapsed, and brigandage and piracy reappeared on a large scale. All of this was accompanied by a rapid rise in the prices of the commodities of life. To-day we look for the causes of economic depressions in intricate and far-reaching social forces. In the third century Romans of the old school had a much more simple and direct explanation. When the Empire fell on hard times and disaster stalked the corners there was only one cause: the gods who had given Rome her power and the Empire its prosperity in the years gone by were being neglected, foreign gods and oriental cults had usurped the religious fervor of the people, and the venerable gods of the Eternal City were angered. The remedy was likewise simple: revive and stimulate the worship of the ancient gods of Rome, thus appeasing their anger, and prosperity would return.


1997 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 79-105 ◽  
Author(s):  
W. Mark Gustafson

The origins of tattooing are very ancient, and the modern fascination with the practice serves to remind us that it has been an enduring fixture in human history. Its functions are many and often overlap, but the particular focus here is on the tattoo as an aspect of punishment. Comparative evidence, however, is welcomed whenever it proves useful. This article first marshals and examines the late antique literary evidence (which is predominantly Christian) extending from North Africa in the third century to Constantinople in the ninth. Then that evidence is put in its legal context. From at least the time of Augustus, the penal tattoo, which was generally placed on the face or forehead, had been associated with degradation. Such remained the case in late antiquity, and it also becomes clear that the tattoo accompanied a sentence of exile and hard labor, usually in mines or quarries. The deeper meaning of the tattoo and its placement on the forehead is considered in the light of modern understandings. There follows a discussion of the actual form taken by the tattoo, which normally displayed the name of the crime, the name of the emperor, or the name of the punishment. Based on the available data, the last option appears to have been the most common penal tattoo in this period. Finally, the article hypothesizes that the Christians effected a transformation of the tattoo and subverted its original intent, so that, rather than being a sign of punishment, it became a sign of glory in which one could take pride. Thus the penal function, in some settings at least, was overtaken by a primarily religious one.


1995 ◽  
Vol 26 ◽  
pp. 101-104
Author(s):  
H. M. Walda

Lepcis Magna is one of the best examples of an African city during the Roman period. Its importance lies in its location in relation to the Mediterranean and the well-watered hinterland of Tripolitania and its resources. The key factor in the development of the city was its position, sheltered by a promontory, at the mouth of Wadi Lebda. It displays the processes of growth which other Roman town-plans have made familiar: a nuclear chessboard with divergent though mostly rectilinear enlargements. Lepcis became more important than the other two ports of Oea and Sabratha.Wealthy private citizens contributed greatly toward the buildings of the first century. In the second century the Libyan S. Severus became Emperor at a time when a lively and independent culture was growing up in the western part of North Africa. Lepcis attained its greatest architectural glories under S. Severus and his two sons. With the decline of seaborne trade that followed the serious economic crises at the end of the third century, raids by the tribes of the interior became bolder and more ruthless.


2009 ◽  
Vol 43 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
A. Van de Beek

It is generally stated that acceptance of heretics in the Catholic Church without baptism has always been normal use in the church and has been confirmed by general councils. The only exceptions would be some groups in North Africa in the third through the fifth century. This opinion is mainly based on Au- gustine’s “De baptismo”. The author of this article argues that Augustine is historically incorrect and systematically weak in this respect. Baptism of converted heretics was normal, except from Rome, and even the council of Nicea confirms that normal use. The bishop of Rome in the fifties of the third century, Stephan, had his own reasons for refusing to rebaptise heretics. Augustine’s view that the baptismal rite and its salutary effect by faith can be received separately is a break with early Christian ecclesiology and its impact on the Western Church has been enormous.


1997 ◽  
Vol 27 ◽  
pp. 10-50

Though history had been written at Rome since the third century B.C., the earliest historiographical works in Latin to have been preserved in their entirety are, aside from the Caesariancommentarii, the two monographs of Gaius Sallustius Crispus (86–35 B.C.). Whether or not Cicero’s is a fair description of the now lost histories written before the death of Caesar (above, p. 3), some time in the 40s B.C. Sallust published two short works that were good enough to last. In theBellum Catilinae(=BC) Sallust narrates the career of the revolutionary Catiline in the years 64–62 B.C.; theBellum Jugurthinum(=BJ), a work of almost twice the length, explores the intertwined themes of Rome’s war in north Africa against the Numidian leader Jugurtha and the concomitant political upheavals in Rome (118–105 B.C.). A third work, theHistoriae, a five-book annalistic history of the period 78–67, was in all likelihood left unfinished at the author’s death and survives only in fragments.


1988 ◽  
Vol 81 (1) ◽  
pp. 37-58 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sarah Stroumsa ◽  
Gedaliahu G. Stroumsa

Mani established his religion on very broad syncretistic grounds, in the hope that it could conquer the whole oikumene, East and West, by integrating the religious traditions of all peoples—except those of the Jews. Although Manichaeism as an organized religion survived for more than a thousand years, and its geographical realm extended from North Africa to Southeast China, this ambition never came close to being realized, and the Manichaeans remained, more often than not, small and persecuted communities. Yet, in a somewhat paradoxical way, Mani did achieve his ecumenical goal. For more than half a millennium, from its birth in the third century throughout late antiquity and beyond, his religion was despised and rejected with the utmost violence by rulers and thinkers belonging to all shades of the spiritual and religious spectrum. In this sense, Manichaeism, an insane system, a “mania,” appeared as the outsider par excellence.


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