scholarly journals A A comparative study of urban occupational structures: Brazil and United States

2019 ◽  
Vol 36 ◽  
pp. 1-19
Author(s):  
Clauber Scherer ◽  
Pedro Vasconcelos Maia do Amaral ◽  
David Folch

This paper compares the occupational structure of cities in Brazil and United States aiming to evaluate the extent to which the economic structure of these urban agglomerations is associated with the different stages of development, specifically when comparing a rich country with a developing one. Using a harmonized occupational database and microdata from the Brazilian 2010 Demographic Census and the U.S. American Community Survey (2008-2012), results show that Brazilian cities have a stronger connection between population size, both with occupational structure and human capital distribution, than the one found for cities in the United States. These findings suggest a stronger primacy of large cities in Brazil’s urban network and a more unequal distribution of economic activity across cities when compared to USA, indicating a strong correlation between development and occupational structure.

2002 ◽  
Vol 44 (2) ◽  
pp. 99-123
Author(s):  
Archibald R. M. Ritter ◽  
Nicholas Rowe

AbstractSince its “depenalization” in 1993, the U.S. dollar has become possibly a more significant component of Cuba's money supply than the old peso. What are the alternatives? The euro seems inappropriate, given the inevitability of eventual normalization of relations with the United States. More advantageous would be to restore the Cuban peso, though this would involve unifying the bifurcated economic structure and the dual monetary and exchange rate systems. The Cuban government has yet to announce its plans. This study argues that an appropriate mix of exchange rate, monetary, fiscal, and income or wage and salary policies should support a rehabilitation of the Cuban peso.


2018 ◽  
Vol 677 (1) ◽  
pp. 153-164 ◽  
Author(s):  
Edward Telles

We identify two dimensions of race for the Latino/Hispanic population in the United States—Latinos as one category among the various categories of the U.S. “ethno-racial pentagon” and racial or color differences among Latinos. In a major change from the previous (two-question) format, the Census Bureau recommends a one-question format for capturing ethno-racial distinctions in the 2020 census, which efficiently captures the Latino population on the first dimension and is consistent with racial classification and identification in the real world. At the same time, it nearly eliminates the problem that the two-question format fostered of classifying many Hispanics as “some other race” while maintaining a similar number of Americans classified as Hispanic or Latino. Whether the Census Bureau adopts the one- or two-question format is yet to be decided as of this writing. However, neither format is sufficient for capturing racial distinctions among the fast-growing Latino population, thus precluding effective monitoring of racial disparities in the United States.


2012 ◽  
Vol 50 (4) ◽  
pp. 1150-1155

Barry R. Chiswick of George Washington University reviews, “Jewish Economies: Development and Migration in America and Beyond. Volume 1. The Economic Life of American Jewry” by Simon Kuznets and “Jewish Economies: Development and Migration in America and Beyond. Volume 2. Comparative Perspectives on Jewish Migration” by Simon Kuznets. The EconLit Abstract of the first reviewed work begins: “Three papers present Simon Kuznets's previously unpublished scholarship on Jewish economic history in the United States. Papers discuss economic structure and life of the Jews; economic structure of the U.S. Jewish population-recent trends; and economic growth of the U.S. Jewish population.” The EconLit Abstract of the second reviewed work begins: “Three previously published papers examine Jewish migration. Papers discuss immigration and the foreign born; Israel's economic development; and immigration of Russian Jews to the United States-background and structure. Index.”


Author(s):  
Sheriff G.I. ◽  
Chubado B.T. ◽  
Ahmet A.

This paper discusses the concept of the one-China policy and how the United States support of Taiwan poses a challenge to stability in the region. The paper adopted the library descriptive instrument from historical research to come up with the available data in the paper. Findings show that, since 1949, the struggle between the Nationalist Republic of China and the Communist party escalated into a civil war which resulted in the defeat of Kuomintang and the establishment of the People's Republic of China (PRC), which took control of all mainland China. Only the island of Taiwan remained under the control of the ROC. Since then, both the ROC and the PRC have been claiming to represent all of "China", and both officially claim each other's territory. The paper concludes that China cannot forfeit the strait of Taiwan despite American support to the island. The deteriorating relationship between the U.S and China relationship has seen trade wars to accusations on the origins of the coronavirus to political buffering, to the sovereign of Taiwan and Hongkong, it just seems to be a manifestation of the Sino-American Cold War. The way things appear, the relationship between the U.S and China will further deteriorate largely because democracy and liberal order are being challenged by the political posture of China. The paper recommends that there is the need to maintain the non-interference principle by the two parties, the United States should know that Taiwan is China and therefore not meddle in the affairs of China and vice-versa.


AmeriQuests ◽  
2004 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Darrell Hartman

A young U.S. American living in Greece, Hartman explores a new view of his native country. On the one hand, he finds it tempting to dismiss the U.S.—the America of the European imagination—as a product of fancy, ignorance, and prejudice. On the other hand, he comes to see that a more complete understanding of the U.S. requires not only an engagement with European notions of “America” but also their incorporation into our own images of the United States of America. <br><br> Un joven estadounidense que vive en Grecia, Hartman explora una nueva vista de su país natal. De un lado, lo encuentra tentando la idea de rechazar a los EEUU—la América de la imaginación europea—como un producto de espejismo, ignorancia, y prejuicio. De otro lado, empieza a reconocer que un entendimiento más completo de los EEUU requiere no sólo un encuentro con nociones europeas de “América,” sino también su incorporación en nuestras propias ideas de los Estados Unidos de América. <br><br> Um jovem estadunidense vivendo na Grécia, Hartman considera um novo ponto de vista de seu país natal. De um lado, ele encontra tentador a ideia de rejeitar os Estados Unidos—a América da imaginação europeia—como produto de capricho, ignorância e preconceito. Do outro lado, ele chega reconhecer que um entendimento mais profundo dos E.U. requer não só o encontro e relação das noções europeias de “América,” mas também a incorporação destas em nossa própria ideia dos Estados Unidos de América. <br><br> Hartman, jeune américain vivant en Grèce, explore une vision nouvelle de son pays natal. D’un côté, il trouve tentant de rejeter les Etats-Unis—l’Amérique vue par l’Europe— en tant que produit de chimère, ignorance et préjugés. D’un autre côté, il en conclut que pour une meilleure compréhension des Etats-Unis, il est nécessaire de se familiariser avec les notions européennes de «l’Amérique», mais également de les incorporer dans notre propre image des Etats-Unis.


2002 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 9-34
Author(s):  
Mark Tushnet

Bruce Ackerman has argued that the U.S. constitutional system has undergone several major transformations.2 His recent witings continue to reject the proposition that the United States has recently experienced another constitutional transformation. I believe that he is wrong, and that the past decade has seen the consolidation of a new constitutional order, different from the one that prevailed from 1937 to the 1980s, which I call the New Deal-Great Society constitutional order.


Author(s):  
Rosina Lozano

An American Language is a political history of the Spanish language in the United States. The nation has always been multilingual and the Spanish language in particular has remained as an important political issue into the present. After the U.S.-Mexican War, the Spanish language became a language of politics as Spanish speakers in the U.S. Southwest used it to build territorial and state governments. In the twentieth century, Spanish became a political language where speakers and those opposed to its use clashed over what Spanish's presence in the United States meant. This book recovers this story by using evidence that includes Spanish language newspapers, letters, state and territorial session laws, and federal archives to profile the struggle and resilience of Spanish speakers who advocated for their language rights as U.S. citizens. Comparing Spanish as a language of politics and as a political language across the Southwest and noncontiguous territories provides an opportunity to measure shifts in allegiance to the nation and exposes differing forms of nationalism. Language concessions and continued use of Spanish is a measure of power. Official language recognition by federal or state officials validates Spanish speakers' claims to US citizenship. The long history of policies relating to language in the United States provides a way to measure how U.S. visions of itself have shifted due to continuous migration from Latin America. Spanish-speaking U.S. citizens are crucial arbiters of Spanish language politics and their successes have broader implications on national policy and our understanding of Americans.


2018 ◽  
Vol 47 (3) ◽  
pp. 130-134

This section, updated regularly on the blog Palestine Square, covers popular conversations related to the Palestinians and the Arab-Israeli conflict during the quarter 16 November 2017 to 15 February 2018: #JerusalemIstheCapitalofPalestine went viral after U.S. president Donald Trump recognized Jerusalem as the capital of Israel and announced his intention to move the U.S. embassy there from Tel Aviv. The arrest of Palestinian teenager Ahed Tamimi for slapping an Israeli soldier also prompted a viral campaign under the hashtag #FreeAhed. A smaller campaign protested the exclusion of Palestinian human rights from the agenda of the annual Creating Change conference organized by the US-based National LGBTQ Task Force in Washington. And, UNRWA publicized its emergency funding appeal, following the decision of the United States to slash funding to the organization, with the hashtag #DignityIsPriceless.


Author(s):  
Richard F. Kuisel

There are over 1,000 McDonald's on French soil. Two Disney theme parks have opened near Paris in the last two decades. And American-inspired vocabulary such as “le weekend” has been absorbed into the French language. But as former French president Jacques Chirac put it: “The U.S. finds France unbearably pretentious. And we find the U.S. unbearably hegemonic.” Are the French fascinated or threatened by America? They Americanize yet are notorious for expressions of anti-Americanism. From McDonald's and Coca-Cola to free markets and foreign policy, this book looks closely at the conflicts and contradictions of France's relationship to American politics and culture. The book shows how the French have used America as both yardstick and foil to measure their own distinct national identity. France has charted its own path: it has welcomed America's products but rejected American policies; assailed Americ's “jungle capitalism” while liberalizing its own economy; attacked “Reaganomics” while defending French social security; and protected French cinema, television, food, and language even while ingesting American pop culture. The book examines France's role as an independent ally of the United States, but he also considers the country's failures in influencing the Reagan, Bush, and Clinton administrations. Whether investigating France's successful information technology sector or its spurning of American expertise during the AIDS epidemic, the book asks if this insistence on a French way represents a growing distance between Europe and the United States or a reaction to American globalization. Exploring cultural trends, values, public opinion, and political reality, this book delves into the complex relationship between two modern nations.


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