scholarly journals XEROPHILIC ENDEMES OF THE FLORA OF THE RUSSIAN CAUCASUS AND THEIR RELATED RELATIONS

2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 532-541
Author(s):  
Musa TAISUMOV ◽  
◽  
Raisa MAGOMADOVA ◽  
Marjan ASTAMIROVA ◽  
Mukhadi UMAROV ◽  
...  

The article is devoted to the study of endemics of xerophilous flora of various regions of the Russian Caucasus, adjacent and remote territories (Western Mediterranean, Caucasus, Greater Caucasus, Transcaucasia. Asia Minor and Western Asia, Eastern Mediterranean, Pontic region, Palaearctic). The purpose of the study is to identify their species composition, genetic links between them, which are necessary for solving the problems of florogenesis. The article analyzes the results of many years of floristic research in different territories of the Caucasus, publications on the flora of these, adjacent and alienated territories. The study used methods of historical reconstruction, morphological-ecological-geographical analysis, including the method of evolutionary series, as well as the method of phlorogenetic analysis and synthesis. Information on the genetic and geographical relationships of the taxa under discussion was obtained by analyzing the position of the species in the genus system (in the case of monotypic genera, the position in the family system), which made it possible to identify the closest relatives, determine their geographic localization, and suggest the time and directions of migration flows of ancestral species. As a result of the analysis of the distribution of 52 species of endemics of the xerophilic flora of the studied regions of the Russian Caucasus, as well as the flora of adjacent and remote areas, possible genetic links between them were revealed. The closest relationships of endemic euxerophytes were noted within the territory of the Greater Caucasus (26.3%), they are significant with endemic species of the Western Mediterranean, Anterior and Asia Minor (9.6% each) and weaker - with species of the Eastern Mediterranean (5.1%), The Pontic region and the Palaearctic (1.3% each). Based on the analysis of the relationship of paleoand neoendemics, it was concluded that the process of formation of the endemic nucleus of the flora of euxerophytes took place at least in three stages: due to heterochronous waves of migration from distant western and eastern centers of formation of xerophilic flora of the Ancient Mediterranean, through the formation of secondary centers in Asia Minor and Western Asia, and then in the Western Mediterranean; the most recent most intensive speciation, which took place in the territories of Inland Dagestan, the Central Caucasus and Northwestern Transcaucasia, on a Caucasian genetic basis in Tertiary speciation centers, led to the loss of many types of distant family ties. The results obtained expand our understanding of migration processes and the history of the formation of the flora of the Caucasus.

Author(s):  
Andrew W. Devereux

This chapter explores the ways that late medieval Spaniards thought about the Mediterranean and the lands surrounding its shores. The chapter mentions the geographers' belief that the three constituent parts of the earth, namely Asia, Africa, and Europe, met in the Mediterranean and that the lordship of the world could only be attained through control of the inner sea. It also points out that the early expansion of primitive Christianity suggest that the Mediterranean possessed a latent religious unity. Aware of the history of the early Church in North Africa and western Asia, jurists devised arguments to the effect that Christian conquests in those regions were in fact acts of recuperation or defense. It then describes the nuances of fifteenth-century Spaniards' perspectives on Mediterranean space by demonstrating that the proximate western Mediterranean was familiar and known, while the more distant eastern Mediterranean was more exotic and often depicted as the site of fabulous wonders.


2008 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 175-190
Author(s):  
Liu Yingsheng ◽  
Ralph Kauz

AbstractThis paper discusses several toponyms in Chinese sources, which may possibly be identified with Armenia. First, Aman country, which can be found in the "History of the Later Han" (compiled 3rd–5th centuries) and in the "Account of the Wei Dynasty" (compiled between 239 and 265), is discussed, and it is suggested that there are reasons for an identification, though doubts remain. Armenia was well known by the Mongols and the "Korean Worldmap", which originates in Chinese geographical scholarship during the Mongol period and depicts possibly even Greater and Lesser Armenia. Another source of that period that mentions Armenia is "Muslim Prescriptions" (Huihui yaofang), which names Armenian materia medica known in China. Finally, two other Chinese geographical texts of the 16th and early 18th century that deal with Armenia and the Caucasus region are discussed. This paper shows that Armenia was described in Chinese texts since at least the Mongol period, and that China had a profound knowledge of the geographical situation in Western Asia.


Author(s):  
T.Kh. Starodub

This article is devoted to the unusual history of the creation of the National Museum of Damascus. Nowadays this is the largest repository of literary texts and artifacts of the ancient civilization of Western Asia and the Eastern Mediterranean, so as the Art culture values of the Middle East from the Byzantine time and Arab Middle Ages to periods of Modern age and 20th – 21st centuries. The idea of founding in Syria the National Art & Culture History Museum has started up in the process of organizing the Arab Academy of Sciences in Damascus (1918); it was partly inspired by the reports of the 17th – early 20th centuries travelers on ruins and artifacts which met and found on their ways. The Museum was founded at 1919 and located, and all the Academy, in the medieval madrasah. As a result of the operose archaeological excavations of ancient and medieval sites all over the country, found by chance or pointed towards by written sources, started in the 1920s – 1930s, a small collection has grown into a huge foundation of exhibits from different epochs. During 1936-1950, 1963, 1974 and 2004 for Museum a special building had been built: with halls for expositions and exhibitions, premises for storing funds, a library, a lecture hall and a park. Статья посвящена необычной истории создания Национального музея Дамаска, ныне — крупнейшего в Сирии хранилища памятников древнейших цивилизаций Передней Азии и Восточного Средиземноморья и художественных культур Ближнего Востока периодов византийского и арабского Средневековья, Нового времени и XX–XXI веков. Идея основания сирийского художественно-исторического музея возникла в процессе организации в Дамаске Арабской академии наук (1918 г.) и отчасти была подготовлена сообщениями путешественников XVII – начала XX века о встреченных на их пути руинах и найденных артефактах. Музей был размещен в 1919 году вместе с академией в средневековом медресе. В результате начатых в 1920–1930-х годах археологических раскопок древних и средневековых объектов, найденных случайно или подсказанных письменными источниками, маленькая коллекция выросла в огромное собрание экспонатов. В 1936–1950, 1963, 1974 и 2004 годах было построено специальное здание с парком, залами для постоянной экспозиции и временных выставок, помещениями для хранения фондов, библиотекой, лекторием.


1987 ◽  
Vol 107 ◽  
pp. 154-163 ◽  
Author(s):  
Henry Jay Watkin

At present there appears to be general agreement that Cyprus entered the Persian Empire some time between c. 545 and 539. It will be argued here that this event did not occur until 526 or 525. The point involves other, much broader issues. Any power wishing to control Cyprus must possess a substantial navy. When, then, did Persia acquire sufficient naval strength to control the eastern Mediterranean? This last problem in turn raises the question of when the Persians annexed the countries of the Levant and Asia Minor from which they drew the whole of their fleet. Finally, because elaborate theories concerning the development of sixth century Cypriote sculpture have been built upon the conclusion that Cyprus submitted to Persia c. 545, a revision of that date will have important repercussions upon the history of Cypriote art.


Author(s):  
A. V. Chkalov

The distinctions between Alchemilla ser. Calycinae and A. ser. Elatae are emended, treating the latter group as relict, connected to the Tertiary broadleaved forests of the eastern Mediterranean Basin. Alchemilla ser. Calycinae (in renewed circumscription) is subdivided into seven provisional aggregates according to the specially developed coordinate system (with two axes — a ratio of central zone width to leaf length vs. number of leaf teeth in total). The original key included all the species of the series occurring in the Caucasus and Asia Minor was compiled.


1938 ◽  
Vol 58 (1) ◽  
pp. 90-95
Author(s):  
A. J. B. Wace

Mrs. Strong in her publication of this head has described it fully and has discussed its place, as a work of art, in the history of Greek scuplture, and it is not my intention to discuss the head from those aspects. It is to be dated, as she has shown, to the second quarter of the fifth century, probably between 470 and 460. It probably represents an Apollo, and chronologically belongs to the group which includes the originals of the Cassel Apollo and the Terme Apollo, both marble copies of bronze originals. As to its stylistic kinship with these or other works, any discussion would be fruitless, for it would be impossible to arrive at any degree of probability in attempting to attribute either the Chatsworth head or the two Apollos mentioned to any one of the Greek artists of that age whose names are known, for we have little or no evidence for their style.The head was acquired by the sixth Duke of Devonshire at Smyrna from H. P. Borrell in 1838, and, according to a note from the vendor, was reported to have been found at Salamis in Cyprus. It would be a natural presumption that a head in the market at Smyrna would have been more likely to come from one of the Greek sites of Western Asia Minor. On the other hand, the mere fact that an unlikely, rather than a likely, provenance was given to the head is in its favour, for there would presumably be no reason to give it an unlikely provenance unless it was correct. So the head may really have come from Salamis in Cyprus. Further excavation at that site may throw more light on the subject. In any case, in the later years of the decade 470-460 B.C. there was a renaissance of Greek influence, especially Attic, in Cyprus after the battle of the Eurymedon.


Der Islam ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 97 (2) ◽  
pp. 476-499
Author(s):  
Ali Karamustafa

AbstractThis essay examines the history of the term Türkmen in western Asia, and asks how its significance changed with the spread of Ottoman and Safavid power in the early modern era. Although it always maintained its core connotation of uncouth tribes, the meaning of the term became more complex (and at times conflicting) after the Mongol period, a dynamic which this paper highlights by comparing it to the Oghūz identity. Poets and court historians developed novel ways of deploying both terms to explain the political dominance of Turkish speakers in the region. When Türkmen gained new import as a political label during the Aq Quyūnlū period, it came to have two contradictory connotations: tribal rebellion and the state-building aspirations of the Anatolian Türkmen dynasties. Both were marginalized by the subsequent establishment of Ottoman and Safavid power in the 16th century. However, the term continued to be widely used to describe Turkish-speaking tribes in the region, and manuscripts from the Caucasus version of the Köroğlu epic tradition show how it came to represent an autonomous tribal alternative to the new imperial status quo of the 17th century.


2015 ◽  
Vol 65 (1) ◽  
pp. 153-166
Author(s):  
Eva Anagnostou-Laoutides

Herodas' Mimiamb 7 has often attracted scholarly attention on account of its thematic preoccupation with the sexuality of ordinary people, thus offering a realistic and exciting glimpse of everyday life in the eastern Mediterranean of the third century b.c.e. In addition, his obscure reference in lines 62–3 to the obsession of women and dogs with dildos has been the focus of long-standing scholarly debate: while most scholars agree that the verses employ a metaphor, possibly of obscene nature, their exact meaning is still to be clarified. In response, this article offers an additional paradigm which stresses the cultural osmosis between the Greeks and their eastern neighbours in the Hellenistic period; in my view, Herodas' peculiar choice of expression could be explained more aptly through this hitherto unnoticed perspective. Despite having frustratingly little information about the poet and his life, his familiarity with the Hellenistic East is often implied in his poetic settings: for example, Cos in Mimiamb 2 and probably locations in Asia Minor in Mimiambs 6 and 7 are considered likely to reflect the places where he lived. Hence, it is reasonable to assume that Herodas spent periods of his life in areas of the eastern Aegean where cultural interaction was practically unavoidable. Moreover, his first poem exhibits a certain amount of knowledge and admiration for Ptolemaic Egypt and, although this does not necessarily mean that he lived there, he must have been very familiar with Alexandria and its erudite circles. After all, Herodas, a contemporary of Theocritus who subscribed to his preference for short, elegant poetic forms, shared the latter's interest in the lowly mime, which both of them invested with learned language. Thus, specific motifs, such as the visit of an abandoned mistress to the witches in a desperate attempt to coax back a cruel lover, are treated by both poets and ultimately derive from the literary corpus of mimes by the influential Sophron. Theocritus was also familiar with locations in Cos, an island that appears to have been culturally diverse. One of the foreign communities that increasingly made its presence felt in third-century b.c.e. Asia Minor and the nearby islands of the eastern Aegean was that of the Jews, although the history of particular communities is often difficult to recover. Nevertheless, we do know that as early as the third century b.c.e. ‘various Jewish authors writing in Greek had adopted the prevailing patterns of Greek literature in its many forms, filling them with Jewish content’. The Jews had a prominent and well-documented presence at Alexandria, where their interaction with the Greeks was promoted by the Ptolemies. There, already by the middle of the third century b.c.e., the Pentateuch (the Hebrew Torah) had been translated into Koine Greek by royal request, which probably indicates a sizeable community able to participate dynamically in the cultural interface of Ptolemaic Alexandria. In the following pages, I shall revisit the past interpretations of the aforementioned verses in Mimiamb 7 before arguing that the key to their understanding lies in the interaction of the Greeks with near eastern cultures, particularly the Jews, who seemed to have employed a distinctive metaphor about ‘dogs’ and their perceived sexual habits.


1921 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 397-407 ◽  
Author(s):  
B. P. Uvarov

The genus Dociostaurus, Fieb., which is synonymous with Stauronotus, Fisch., includes several species of locusts and grasshoppers injurious to agriculture in South-Eastern Europe, Central and Western Asia and North Africa, the well known Moroccan locust (Dociostaurus maroccanus, Thunb.) being one of the worst pests in Algeria, Tunisia, Asia Minor, the Caucasus and Turkestan. The systematics of the species of this genus are in a very unsatisfactory state, and this, together with the tendency of the species to individual variability, is the cause of many mistakes in their identification on the part of economic entomologists. The object of this paper is, therefore, to establish a more or less natural system of the species enabling everyone to identify them with certainty.


2008 ◽  
Vol 98 ◽  
pp. 83-119 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kyle Harper

This article reconsiders a set of Late Roman inscriptions which record the tax liabilities of dozens of landowners in terms of post-Diocletianic fiscality. The stones, from eleven cities in the Aegean and western Asia Minor, are evaluated as evidence for the social and economic history of the Late Empire, challenging Jones' fundamental study in which the inscriptions are read as a sign of structural crisis. With their non-Egyptian provenance, the inscriptions offer unique, quantitative insights into land-ownership and labour. The inscriptions reveal surprising levels of slave labour in the eastern provinces, particularly in a new inscription from Thera. This last document allows, for the first time, an empirical analysis of the demographics of an estate-based population of slaves in antiquity.


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