scholarly journals The Quantitative Evaluation of the Political Cost of Environmental Issues: A Case Study of a Typical Public Protest in China

Author(s):  
Xintao Li ◽  
Tongshun Cheng ◽  
Zaisheng Zhang ◽  
Li Liu

Abstract It is of great reference significance for broadening the research perspective of environmental issues, improving the efficiency of government environmental governance and the credibility of the government, to scientifically measure and analyze the political cost of environmental issues. This article takes the typical case “protest event of power generation project of R steel plant in T city, China” as the research background. First, the generation process and action mechanism of the political cost of environmental issues in the actual situation are investigated. Then, through in-depth interview, multi-case grounded theory and fuzzy subordinate function analysis, the scientific construction of the political cost index system of environmental issues are completed. Finally, based on G1 method/entropy method combined with weighting and fuzzy comprehensive evaluation method, the political cost of the protest events of R iron and steel plant in T city is measured. The results show that (1) it is important that good single dimensions and reliable indicators are embodied in the overall political cost scale. Among them, the behavioral political cost of the masses is the largest proportion of all indicators; (2) after the entire environmental mass incident is over, the political costs are difficult to repair, and some lagging ideas and behaviors shown by local governments lead to a continuous expansion of the political cost associated with environmental issues; and (3) local governments should not conceal information asymmetry. Instead, local governments should give greater freedom to other actors to deal with environmental problems. This will mitigate the effect of political costs. Corresponding policy recommendations are proposed.

Modern China ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 42 (6) ◽  
pp. 638-673 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kyle A. Jaros

The trend of metropolitanization—rapid growth of the largest cities, horizontal sprawl, and pursuit of economic competitiveness—in China has attracted much attention from scholars. Whereas existing research generally portrays local governments as the key agents behind metropolitan-style development, this article emphasizes the active role higher-level governments play in shaping urban growth. I use the case of the Xi’an-Xianyang area in Shaanxi province to explore the political forces behind metropolitanization, tracing efforts since 2000 to build a larger, more integrated Greater Xi’an. I argue that provincial-level authorities in particular favor urban development that is focused on leading cities but crosses different jurisdictions, which helps them reap economic benefits from urban scale while limiting its political costs. Driving development from above is contentious, however, and requires significant clout on the part of provincial governments. In Xi’an, metropolitan growth has accelerated as Shaanxi has become economically and politically stronger, yet urban governance problems have persisted.


1994 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 325-337 ◽  
Author(s):  
Samuel S. Tung ◽  
Jerry J. Weygandt

This study examines whether debt contracting and political costs influence companies' decisions regarding the timing of the initial adoption of Statement of Financial Accounting Standards No. 87, Employers' Accounting for Pensions. The results are consistent with the debt contracting hypotheses: early adopters tended to have higher leverage and a higher income effect from the adoption and a lower interest coverage ratio and a larger increase in this ratio from the adoption. Our findings, however, do not support the political cost hypothesis.


2016 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. 388-407 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mouna Ben Rejeb Attia ◽  
Naima Lassoued ◽  
Anis Attia

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to test the political costs hypothesis in emerging economies characterized by interventionist governments and weak protection of property rights. The paper uses executives’ political connection and state control to measure firms’ political costs. Design/methodology/approach Based on a sample of Tunisian firms, univariate and multivariate analyses are used to test whether firms’ political costs have any impact on earnings management. Findings The empirical analysis indicates that the executives’ political connection is not directly related to earnings management. However, the interaction between executives’ political connection and the state control affects the firm’s sensitivity to political pressure and its earnings management practices. More specifically, this study provides evidence that non-connected firms and state-controlled firms attempt to use accounting policies to decrease their earnings especially during periods of the former government when they had to face high political costs. This finding is robust to comparing means of political cost indicators between different groups. Indeed, private firms with political connection enjoy a significantly lower insurance right, tax and donations and grants compared to other firms. Research limitations/implications This study provides empirical evidence for the specific application of accounting theory in emerging economies. Practical implications Political influence may be an important criterion that will be used by auditors and investors to appreciate and detect specific manipulations of accounting earnings. Similarly, regulators should be aware of the political factors effect on discretionary behavior of managers to provide appropriate rules and standards. Originality/value The study is a pioneer in proving that a firm’s size is not always a suitable measure of its political cost. It extends the accounting literature on the role of political economy in the application of the political costs hypothesis. This hypothesis is confirmed in emerging economies by providing new and significantly measure of firms’ political costs


2019 ◽  
Vol 19 (08) ◽  
Author(s):  
Gabriele Ciminelli ◽  
Davide Furceri ◽  
Jun Ge ◽  
Jonathan Ostry ◽  
Chris Papageorgiou

Many countries are experiencing persistent, weak medium-term growth and limited fiscal space. Against this background, economic policy agendas—in both advanced and developing economies—are focusing increasingly on structural reforms. While there is broad agreement on the economic benefits of structural reforms, the political-economy of reform is less settled. This is because reforms may generate gains only in the longer term while distributional effects may be sizable in the short run, and because governments may lack political capital to confront vocal interest groups. In these circumstances, politicians may hold back on reforms, fearing they will be penalized at the ballot box. The aim of this Staff Discussion Note is to examine whether the fear of a political cost associated with structural reforms is justified by the available evidence, and whether there are lessons from the data about how reform strategies might be designed to mitigate potential political costs. It provides a major addition to recent IMF analysis examining the output and employment effect of reforms


2012 ◽  
Vol 88 (3) ◽  
pp. 977-1005 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lillian F. Mills ◽  
Sarah E. Nutter ◽  
Casey M. Schwab

ABSTRACT We investigate whether politically sensitive contractors pay higher taxes and whether their bargaining power reduces these tax costs. Using federal contractor data, we develop a new composite measure of political sensitivity that captures both the political visibility arising from federal contracts and the importance of federal contracts to the firm. We proxy for bargaining power using the firm-level proportion of contract revenues not subject to competition, the firm-level proportion of contract revenues arising from defense contracts, and industry-level concentration ratios. We find that politically sensitive firms pay higher federal taxes, all else equal. However, firms with greater bargaining power incur fewer tax-related political costs. Our study provides new evidence on the political cost hypothesis in a tax setting and the first evidence of the interactive effects of a firm's political sensitivity and bargaining power on tax-related political costs. JEL Classifications: M41; H26


Author(s):  
K.E. Goldschmitt

Bossa Mundo chronicles how Brazilian music has been central to Brazil’s national brand in the United States and the United Kingdom since the late 1950s. Scholarly texts on Brazilian popular music generally focus on questions of music and national identity, and when they discuss the music’s international popularity, they keep the artists, recordings, and live performances as the focus, ignoring the process of transnational mediation. This book fills a major gap in Brazilian music studies by analyzing the consequences of moments when Brazilian music was popular in Anglophone markets, with a focus on the media industries. With subject matter as varied as jazz, film music, dance fads, DJ/remix culture, and new models of musical distribution, the book demonstrates how the mediation of Brazilian music in an increasingly crowded transnational marketplace has had lasting consequences for the creative output celebrated by Brazil as part of its national brand. Through a discussion of the political meaning of mass-mediated music in chronologically organized chapters, the book shifts the scholarly focus on the music’s transnational popularity from the scholarly framework of representing Otherness to broader considerations of a media environment where listeners and intermediaries often have differing priorities. The book provides a new model for studying music from culturally rich countries in the Global South where local governments often leverage stereotypes in their national branding project.


2008 ◽  
Vol 42 (5) ◽  
pp. 1057-1078 ◽  
Author(s):  
METTE HALSKOV HANSEN

AbstractThis article argues that villagers' weakened trust in local governments has caused the officials to develop new strategies to cooperate with people and groups who enjoy traditional forms of authority. More specifically, the article shows how the officially established Old People' Associations in some areas have gained political influence far beyond what their official status as an “NGO” (minjian zuzhzi) would warrant. Villages of Fujian have a long history of being organised around patrilinear lineage organisations, and especially the older men still enjoys authority among the population. Local authorities, as well as business people, are therefore actively trying to engage and mobilise this traditional senior authority for their own political and economic purposes, thereby creating new relations of local power.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrea Fazio ◽  
Tommaso Reggiani ◽  
Fabio Sabatini
Keyword(s):  

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