scholarly journals Community Psychological And Behavioural Responses To Coronavirus Disease 2019 Over One Year Of The Pandemic In 2020 In Hong Kong

Author(s):  
Qiuyan Liao ◽  
Jingyi Xiao ◽  
Justin Cheung ◽  
Tiffany W. Y. Ng ◽  
Wendy W. T. Lam ◽  
...  

Abstract Background: Monitoring community psychological and behavioural responses to coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) is important for informing policy making and risk communication to sustain public compliance with challenging precautionary behaviours and mitigating the psychological impacts. Methods: Monthly telephone surveys in January-April 2020 and then weekly surveys from May through December 2020 were conducted to monitor changes in public risk perception of COVID-19, personal efficacy in self-protection, confidence in the government’s ability to control the pandemic, precautionary behaviours, perceived impact of precautionary behaviours, psychological fatigue and distress in Hong Kong, and examine their inter-relationships. Results: While worry about contracting COVID-19 increased, personal efficacy and confidence in the government declined as the community incidence of COVID-19 increased. The public maintained high compliance with most precautionary behaviours throughout but relaxed behaviours that were more challenging when disease incidence declined. Public confidence in the government was persistently low throughout, of which, a lower level was associated with more psychological fatigue, lower compliance with precautionary behaviours and greater psychological distress. Perceived greater negative impact of precautionary behaviours was also associated with more psychological fatigue which in turn was associated with relaxation of precautionary behaviours. Female, younger and unemployed individuals reported greater psychological distress throughout different stages of the pandemic.Conclusions: Risk communication should focus on promoting confidence in self-protection and pandemic control to avoid helplessness to act when the pandemic resurges. Policy making should prioritize building public trust, enhancing support for sustaining precautionary behaviours, and helping vulnerable groups to adapt to the stress during the pandemic.

2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Qiuyan Liao ◽  
Jingyi Xiao ◽  
Justin Cheung ◽  
Tiffany W. Y. Ng ◽  
Wendy W. T. Lam ◽  
...  

AbstractMonitoring community psychological and behavioural responses to coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) is important for informing policy making and risk communication to sustain public compliance with challenging precautionary behaviours and mitigating the psychological impacts. Monthly telephone-based cross-sectional surveys in January–April 2020 and then weekly surveys from May through December 2020 were conducted to monitor changes in public risk perception of COVID-19, personal efficacy in self-protection, confidence in government’s ability to control the pandemic, precautionary behaviours, perceived impact of precautionary behaviours, psychological fatigue and distress in Hong Kong, and examine their inter-relationships. While worry about contracting COVID-19 increased, personal efficacy and confidence in government declined as the community incidence of COVID-19 increased. The public maintained high compliance with most precautionary behaviours throughout but relaxed behaviours that were more challenging when disease incidence declined. Public confidence in government was persistently low throughout, of which, a lower level was associated with more psychological fatigue, lower compliance with precautionary behaviours and greater psychological distress. Perceived greater negative impact of precautionary behaviours was also associated with more psychological fatigue which in turn was associated with relaxation of precautionary behaviours. Female, younger and unemployed individuals reported greater psychological distress throughout different stages of the pandemic. Risk communication should focus on promoting confidence in self-protection and pandemic control to avoid helplessness to act when the pandemic resurges. Policy making should prioritize building public trust, enhancing support for sustaining precautionary behaviours, and helping vulnerable groups to adapt to the stress during the pandemic.


2021 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 273-284 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eric King-man Chong

Hong Kong society became the site of active self-mobilization when there was a virus outbreak in early 2020. Hong Kong residents quickly adopted voluntary protective measures such as minimizing social contacts and buying personal protective equipment. After the presence of a new Coronavirus was confirmed, medical and health care workers went on strike in early February, clamouring for the Hong Kong SAR government to close border crossings with China. They feared the medical and health care system would not be able to bear the rising numbers of infection. The government responded with a pronouncement that the strike was endangering lives, and that a complete closure of border checkpoints was unfeasible. Generally, Hong Kong residents exercised self-protection and self-restraint, voluntarily choosing to stay home except to go to work or buy daily necessities. As a result, Hong Kong did not adopt a citywide lockdown. More people began to leave their homes when infection rates slowed, but this led to further waves of infection. The Hong Kong experience raises a number of questions about society that are relevant to education and citizenship. What are individuals’ responsibilities during a pandemic? Does a state of pandemic make it acceptable to limit freedom of movement and freedom of expression, and if so, how can this principle be applied in relation to the right to strike for the purpose of compelling the government to take stronger public health measures? Specific to education, how can young people be taught to follow safety advice amid the temptation to go outdoors for exercise under restrictive measures? There is a need for engaging students in social compassion and dialogues to face a persistent pandemic.


2020 ◽  
Vol 53 (4) ◽  
pp. 118-135
Author(s):  
Ngok Ma

This article reviews how Beijing’s design of a liberal autocracy constrains party development in Hong Kong. It shows how the governing philosophy and the institutional design and mechanics of the electoral system disallow a strong governing party and suppress political participation. This situation brings about a weakened state capacity and a fragmented ruling coalition with elites working on contrasting incentives. It also leads to legislative fragmentation and declining public confidence in legislative and party politics. Unable to contain political participation, radical street actions arose to challenge the government. The 2019 Anti-Extradition Movement best exemplifies the weakness of the ruling coalition and the radicalization of street politics posing major challenges to the governance of Hong Kong.


2021 ◽  
pp. 205789112110649
Author(s):  
Fung Chan

In the past decade, Hong Kong has undergone various large-scale protests, such as the 2014 Occupy Central and the 2019 Anti-Extradition Protests. One of the reasons for such popular grievance was that the government could not grasp the change in public sentiment and opinion. Before the handover, although the governor held the centralized power, the colonial authorities still had ways to collect public opinions to avoid departing from the citizens’ views. The model was called the ‘administrative absorption of politics’. The Chinese authorities attempted to preserve the original advisory system to depoliticize the policy-making process after the handover. This article contributes to the understanding of the development of the cooptation system in Hong Kong and its failure in the 2010s based on the insights of legislators. It also highlights the importance of participation and salient control in the cooptation system to balance public views in a semi-authoritarian society.


2021 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 273-284 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eric King-man Chong

Hong Kong society became the site of active self-mobilization when there was a virus outbreak in early 2020. Hong Kong residents quickly adopted voluntary protective measures such as minimizing social contacts and buying personal protective equipment. After the presence of a new Coronavirus was confirmed, medical and health care workers went on strike in early February, clamouring for the Hong Kong SAR government to close border crossings with China. They feared the medical and health care system would not be able to bear the rising numbers of infection. The government responded with a pronouncement that the strike was endangering lives, and that a complete closure of border checkpoints was unfeasible. Generally, Hong Kong residents exercised self-protection and self-restraint, voluntarily choosing to stay home except to go to work or buy daily necessities. As a result, Hong Kong did not adopt a citywide lockdown. More people began to leave their homes when infection rates slowed, but this led to further waves of infection. The Hong Kong experience raises a number of questions about society that are relevant to education and citizenship. What are individuals’ responsibilities during a pandemic? Does a state of pandemic make it acceptable to limit freedom of movement and freedom of expression, and if so, how can this principle be applied in relation to the right to strike for the purpose of compelling the government to take stronger public health measures? Specific to education, how can young people be taught to follow safety advice amid the temptation to go outdoors for exercise under restrictive measures? There is a need for engaging students in social compassion and dialogues to face a persistent pandemic.


2012 ◽  
Vol 04 (01) ◽  
pp. 43-57 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kin-ming KWONG ◽  
Chiew Ping YEW

After two Chief Executive leadership, it is evident that Hong Kong has been ruled by polling, not the government, as seen in the policy U-turns in 2011. The government has failed to build public confidence in its leadership despite achievements such as raising Hong Kong's GDP per capita by 22% under Tsang's administration. A historically high proportion of people since the handover had identified themselves as Hong Kongers rather than Chinese citizens in June 2011.


Author(s):  
Tyas Retno Wulan ◽  
Lala M. Kolopaking ◽  
Ekawati Sri Wahyuni ◽  
Irwan Abdullah

Social remittances (ideas, system practice, and social capital flow from the receiving country to the home country) of Indonesian female migrant workers (BMP) in Hong Kong appeared better and more complete than other BMP in other countries like Malaysia, Saudi Arabia, or Singapore.  Based on that research, we are encouraged to do extensive research in order to identify factors  that push  BMP’s social remittances development  in Hong Kong, to identify kinds of social remmitances they receive  and to understand on how far their social remittances become a medium to empower them and their society.  This study is done in qualitative method that uses an in-depth interview technique and FGD.  Subjects of study are BMP, the government (Ministry of Manpower and Transmigration and BNP2TKI), NGOs, migrant workers’ organization and researchers of BMP. The study done in Cianjur (West Java), Wonosobo and Banyumas (Central Java) and Hong Kong indicates that during their migration process, female migrant workers not only have economical remittance that can be used for productive activities, but also social remittances.  The social remittances are in the form practical knowledge such as language skill and nursery; knowledge on health, financial management; ethical work; the mindset changing and networking. The study  indicate that female migrant workers are extraordinary women more than just an ex-helper.  Their migration has put them into a position as an agent of development in society.Key words: Indonesians  female migrant workers, social remmitances, empowerment


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joseph Bulbulia ◽  
Sofia Piven ◽  
Fiona Barlow ◽  
Don E. Davis ◽  
Lara Greaves ◽  
...  

New Zealand's COVID-19 lockdown in March and April 2020 was among the world's most stringent. Similar to other countries, New Zealand's lockdown occurred amidst pervasive health and economic uncertainties. However, New Zealanders experienced comparatively less psychological distress. To test theories of pandemic distress mitigation, we use national longitudinal responses with pre-COVID-19 baselines and systematically quantify psychological distress trajectories within the same individuals during the lockdown (pre-COVID-19 = 2018/2019; stringent-lockdown = March/April 2020; N = 940). Most distress indicators were minimally elevated. However, there was a three-fold increase in feelings of worthlessness. Neither satisfaction with the government, nor business-satisfaction, nor a sense of neighbourhood community were effective distress defences. Perceived social-belonging and health-satisfaction mitigated feelings of worthlessness. A silver lining was a relief from feelings of effort, which social-belonging fostered. That social-belonging and health satisfaction could quell serious distress among those low in government confidence, low in business satisfaction, and low neighbourhood community proves that distress mitigation is possible without shifting a population's general political, economic, and civic attitudes. Protection of income and containment of infectious disease threat reduces mental health burdens. Though feelings of worthlessness surge during lockdown, such feelings attenuate from interpersonal belonging with people one already knows.


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